The headquarters itself is designed as a unit: which parenting roles it plays for the businesses, and which services it pools for all of them.
What it is
The corporate center is the headquarters of a multibusiness company, designed as a unit in its own right: its parenting roles, how far it plans for and controls the businesses, and which support services it pools. It sits over an M-form, a holding company, or a business group, and coordinates through planning and control systems and the standard definitions of pooled services.
The corporate center is the headquarters designed as a unit above the businesses
Select a unit or a letter to read it; the dashed line is the shared services' charge to a business, and the businesses below may be an M-form's divisions, a holding company's subsidiaries, or a business group's firms.
Reports toContract or priced tradeWStandardization of work processesOStandardization of outputs
The structure in words
- Chief executive
- Chief executive, reports to no one. On one view the center keeps strategic and financial decisions (Wulf 2012); Rajan and Wulf (2006), finding more positions reporting directly to the chief executive in more than 300 large US firms, read part of that as delegation. Reading the flattening as a flat to moderate center is our judgment.
- The center
- Strategy, reports to Chief executive, grouped by function. A parenting role the center plays for the businesses; how far the center plans for them, and how tightly it controls them, sets its style of corporate management (Goold and Campbell 1987).
- Finance and control, reports to Chief executive, grouped by function, coordinated by standardization of outputs. Mintzberg's (1980) small headquarters technostructure designs and runs the performance control system over the divisions, standardizing their outputs.
- Legal, reports to Chief executive, grouped by function. One of the functions by which the center's roles and pooled services are grouped above the businesses (Chandler 1991; Goold, Campbell, and Alexander 1994).
- Shared services, reports to Chief executive, grouped by function, coordinated by standardization of work processes. Supplies finance, HR, IT, and other support to several businesses as an internal supplier, charged back at fully loaded cost (Quinn, Cooke, and Kris 2000). Reading its standard service definitions as standardized work processes is our judgment.
- Businesses
- Business, reports to Chief executive. An operating business; its head holds delegated formal power, as in Mintzberg's Type C (our judgment).
- Business, reports to Chief executive. The businesses may differ, and the center integrates them through its parenting roles and services (our judgment).
- Business, reports to Chief executive. Follows the standards the center's staff set, which gives those staff informal power, as in Mintzberg's Type B (our judgment).
- Shared services and Business: contract or priced trade.
The center's roles and pooled services are grouped by function above the businesses. Its small technostructure runs the performance control system that standardizes the businesses' outputs. The shared services run to standard service definitions, and reading those as standardized work is our judgment.
Source: Chandler 1991; Goold and colleagues 1994a; Goold and Campbell 1987; Mintzberg 1980, a synthesis of earlier research, offering propositions without a new test; Quinn and colleagues 2000; Rajan and Wulf 2006, a panel study of more than 300 large firms; Wulf 2012, a summary for managers of the author's multi-firm panel studies, with interviews and time-use data.
It groups by function (Chandler 1991; Mintzberg 1980, a synthesis of earlier research offering propositions without a new test). Centralization is contested: centralized to mixed, since the center keeps strategic and financial decisions and Wulf (2012), a summary of the author's multi-firm panel studies, found flattened firms showing more control and decision making at the top; mixed to decentralized on Rajan and Wulf (2006), a panel study of more than 300 large firms, who read part of that flattening as delegation and the whole as neither simply centralization nor decentralization. The rest is our judgment: specialization high; formalization spanning medium to high; layers and span spanning flat to moderate; decision rights spanning limited horizontal to limited vertical decentralization; coordination spanning standardized work processes to standardized outputs; lateral mechanisms at direct contact and liaison roles; moderate differentiation against integration; bureaucratic exchange; and closed boundaries.
Where the corporate center and its shared services sit on the eleven dimensions
The filled segments are the form's levels; select a row for its reason and sources.
Only centralization rests on evidence, and it is contested: centralized to mixed on Wulf (2012), mixed to decentralized on Rajan and Wulf (2006). Grouping by function rests on theory, and the other nine levels on judgment.
Source: Chandler 1991; Goold and colleagues 1994a; Mintzberg 1980, a synthesis of earlier research, offering propositions without a new test; Collis and colleagues 2007, a survey of more than 600 headquarters in Europe, the United States, Japan, and Chile; Wulf 2012, a summary for managers of the author's multi-firm panel studies, with interviews and time-use data; Rajan and Wulf 2006, a panel study of more than 300 large firms; Kleinbaum and Stuart 2014, one firm's network data; Joseph and Ocasio 2012, one historical case study; Lawrence and Lorsch 1967a, a multi-firm comparative field study; Herbert and Seal 2012, one longitudinal case study; Ashkenas and colleagues 1995.
The flattening findings, sorted by which reading they support
Select a finding, then the column it belongs in, or show the sort. The records' limits: Rajan and Wulf measured reporting lines and pay, not how decisions were made; Guadalupe, Li, and Wulf counted titles reporting to the chief executive; Wulf's interviews cover seven firms, her time-use firms are much smaller than the panel firms, and the time-use survey records no decisions.
- Not placedPlacedDelegationBoth readingsControl at the top
- Not placedPlacedDelegationBoth readingsControl at the top
- Not placedPlacedDelegationBoth readingsControl at the top
- Not placedPlacedDelegationBoth readingsControl at the top
- Not placedPlacedDelegationBoth readingsControl at the top
- Not placedPlacedDelegationBoth readingsControl at the top
- Not placedPlacedDelegationBoth readingsControl at the top
- Not placedPlacedDelegationBoth readingsControl at the top
Findings
Which reading the finding supports
Your sort matched 0 of 8.Your sort matched 1 of 8.Your sort matched 2 of 8.Your sort matched 3 of 8.Your sort matched 4 of 8.Your sort matched 5 of 8.Your sort matched 6 of 8.Your sort matched 7 of 8.Your sort matched 8 of 8.
- Delegation
- Rajan and Wulf (2006) read more managers reporting to the chief executive and being made officers of the firm as delegation of authority.
- Both readings
- Rajan and Wulf (2006) concluded that flattening cannot be characterized simply as centralization or decentralization.
- Control at the top
- Wulf (2012) found that flattened firms showed more control and decision making at the top, and Guadalupe, Li, and Wulf (2014) call the executive team's growth functional centralization.
The sort
- More direct reports: Both readings. Rajan and Wulf (2006) found the number of positions reporting directly to the chief executive rose significantly over time, and Wulf (2012) found firms widening the chief executive's span of control. The same studies read the change as delegation and as control, so the count alone settles neither.
- Fewer levels below CEO: Both readings. Rajan and Wulf (2006) found fewer levels between division heads and the chief executive, and Wulf (2012) found firms removing layers. Rajan and Wulf conclude that flattening cannot be characterized simply as centralization or decentralization.
- Division heads made officers: Delegation. More of the managers reporting directly to the chief executive were made officers of the firm, which Rajan and Wulf (2006) read as delegation of authority.
- Pay hinting at delegation: Delegation. Wulf (2012) found firms changed pay in ways suggesting some decisions were delegated to division managers. Rajan and Wulf (2006), one of the panel studies she summarizes, found division managers who moved closer to the chief executive received higher pay and greater long-term incentives.
- Functional managers added: Control at the top. The executive team doubled in size, driven mainly by functional managers rather than general managers, which Guadalupe, Li, and Wulf (2014) call functional centralization.
- Division pay lower: Control at the top. Wulf (2012) found division managers were paid less when functional managers joined the top team.
- Flattened to get closer: Control at the top. In Wulf's (2012) interviews with seven chief executives of Fortune 500 companies, chief executives said they had flattened to get closer to the businesses.
- CEO time spent inside: Control at the top. In time-use data on 65 chief executives, those of flattened firms spent more time on internal interactions (Wulf 2012).
The shape change itself, a wider span at the top and fewer layers, fits both readings. They part on who joined the top team, how pay moved, and how chief executives spent their time and explained the change.
Source: Rajan and Wulf 2006, a panel study of more than 300 large firms; Wulf 2012, a summary for managers of the author's multi-firm panel studies, with interviews and time-use data; Guadalupe and colleagues 2014, a panel study of many large firms.
Where it came from
The headquarters dates from the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries (Kunisch, Menz, and Collis 2020, a conceptual essay); Chandler (1962), several independent case histories by a historian, described the general office that freed the top of the multidivisional firm for strategic decisions.
The schools of organization design and the forms' origins, 1900 to now
Each row is a school's era; each square under them is a form at its first year. Select a row or a square to read it; on a form's page, its own square and span are marked, with the schools that treat it.
The forms by first year
Schools that treat this form: Transaction cost economics and the M-form hypothesis; the Carnegie school and the attention-based view; Modularity and the mirroring hypothesis; Organizational economics: decision rights, authority, and complementarities; and Institutional theory.
The schools by first year
- Bureaucracy and its critics1900s to 1950s, revived from the 1990sWhat it claimsWeber held that rational-legal authority exercised through an office hierarchy, written rules, trained officials, and promotion by qualification is technically superior in precision, speed, and reliability. Critics studied its unintended consequences, Michels's iron law sharpest.What it has shownMerton (1940) argued, with no test, that rules can turn from means into ends; case studies followed. The Aston group concluded that the type's dimensions vary independently, and Wagner's meta-analysis (2021) found that many of their interrelationships have weakened.Who disputes itHuman relations and System 4 sets the costs of impersonal rules to motivation and cooperation against the technical superiority Weber stresses.
- Classical administration1910s to 1940s, and in German to the 1970sWhat it claimsThere are general principles of administration, among them division of work, unity of command, a scalar chain of authority, and a limited span of control, and a structure built to them will be efficient in most settings. Taylor added that planners should set work methods.What it has shownThe school offered reasoning and experience, not tests. Woodward (1965) found that the spans and levels of the more successful firms in her sample differed by production system, and Simon (1946) showed that the principles come in pairs that point in opposite directions.Who disputes itStructural contingency theory found that the structure of successful firms varies with technology and environment, where classical writers treat their principles as general.
- Human relations and System 41920s to 1960sWhat it claimsOutput depends on the social relations of work, the norms of informal groups, and the style of supervision as much as on formal design. Likert's System 4, overlapping work groups joined by linking-pin managers under participative management, outperforms authoritative systems.What it has shownThe founding evidence is the Hawthorne studies, which later reanalyses dispute (Carey 1967; Levitt and List 2011). Likert's support came largely from his own institute's surveys. Wagner (1994) found participation's effects on performance and satisfaction significant but small.Who disputes itLabor process and critical theory reads human relations as a technique of managerial control rather than a change in the distribution of power.
- Transaction cost economics and the M-form hypothesis1937, then the 1970s to the presentWhat it claimsFirms exist, and are organized as they are, to economize on transaction costs. Hierarchy replaces the market when assets are specific, uncertainty is high, and exchange is frequent, and the multidivisional form should outperform the functional form in large, diversified firms.What it has shownArmour and Teece (1978) found, in United States petroleum firms from 1955 to 1973, a positive relationship between the multidivisional form and profitability while the form was spreading, but not once an equilibrium in organizational form was reached.Who disputes itThe network perspective on organizations: Granovetter argued that the theory undersocializes economic action, which is embedded in networks of personal relations that also produce trust and order.
- The Carnegie school and the attention-based view1940s to the presentWhat it claimsPeople in organizations are boundedly rational, so structure matters because it sets the premises of their decisions and channels their attention: who sees which problems, which goals they pursue, and which routines they follow. Ocasio makes structure distribute attention.What it has shownMarch and Simon (1958) drew propositions from the existing literature, and Cyert and March (1963) added process models and simulations. Two studies show hierarchy shaping what is sent up as well as what is chosen (Reitzig and Maciejovsky 2015; Keum and See 2017).Who disputes itOrganizational economics: decision rights, authority, and complementarities models a principal and agents with defined objectives; the Carnegie school, firms as coalitions with unresolved goal conflict.
- Socio-technical systems1950s to 1980sWhat it claimsAn organization is a social system and a technical system that must be designed together. The same technology admits more than one way of organizing work, and groups that own a whole task and control its variances at the source perform better and are more satisfied.What it has shownTrist and Bamforth (1951) found that longwall mechanization broke up self-regulating work groups. A review of 134 experiments found them extremely successful overall, and Stewart (2006) linked team autonomy to performance; studies of socialist brigades and Volkswagen qualify it.Who disputes itLabor process and critical theory: Kelly argued that labor intensification, not joint optimization, accounts for what socio-technical redesign achieved, and that the part of pay incentives was seriously underestimated.
- The economics of the labor-managed firm and of enterprise ownership1958 to the presentWhat it claimsA firm run by its workers behaves differently from one run for investors: Ward modeled the Yugoslav-style firm as maximizing income per worker. Hansmann argued that an ownership form's success depends on the balance between the costs of market contracting and of ownership.What it has shownBurdín (2014) found a 29 percent lower hazard of dissolution for Uruguayan worker-managed firms than for conventional ones, and Fakhfakh, Pérotin, and Gago (2012) found French labor-managed firms as productive or more so in every industry studied.Who disputes itOrganizational economics (Jensen and Meckling) contrasts the labor-managed firm, in which tradable residual claims are legally prohibited, with cooperatives and partnerships that arise out of voluntary contracting.
- Modularity and the mirroring hypothesis1960s to the presentWhat it claimsComplex systems are built of nearly decomposable parts, and an organization's structure tends to mirror the architecture of what it makes: modular products allow loosely coupled organizations, and tightly coupled products need tightly coupled teams. Conway's law runs in reverse.What it has shownColfer and Baldwin (2016) review the empirical studies and report both support and principled exceptions. Direct tests point both ways: MacCormack, Baldwin, and Rusnak (2012) found open source products more modular than their commercial pairs; dynamic components break the mirror.Who disputes itNo school in the record disputes it head on; it answers information processing, which meets the coordination load inside the organization; mirroring writers locate it in the product's architecture.
- Strategy and structure1960s to 1980sWhat it claimsStructure follows strategy: firms that diversify by product or geography outgrow the centralized functional structure and, after a lag and usually a crisis, adopt divisions. Chandler drew this from the histories of DuPont, General Motors, Standard Oil of New Jersey, and Sears.What it has shownChandler (1962) is comparative business history of four firms set against a wider survey. Rumelt (1974) related diversification and structure to performance, and Egelhoff (1988), with 34 multinationals, found some of Stopford and Wells's relationships supported and others not.Who disputes itInstitutional theory: in Fligstein's model divisions spread with a product-related or unrelated strategy, presidents from sales or finance, and other firms in the industry changing; strategy was one of three.
- Structural contingency theory1960s to the presentWhat it claimsThere is no one best structure. Performance depends on fit between structure and contingencies such as environment, technology, size, and strategy, on an open-system view of the organization. Drazin and Van de Ven separate fit as selection, interaction, and systems.What it has shownBurns and Stalker, Woodward, and the Aston group related structure to context; Drazin and Van de Ven (1985) supported selection and systems fit only. Pennings (1975) found that fit did not explain effectiveness; Schoonhoven (1981) found traditional hypotheses unsupported.Who disputes itStrategic choice: Child argued that contingency theory explains structure by the constraints of context and leaves out the political process by which power-holders choose strategic action, structural forms included.
- The French bureaucratic school (strategic analysis)1960s to 1980sWhat it claimsA bureaucracy is a system of power relations organized around zones of uncertainty. Impersonal rules and centralization protect members from depending on one another, those who control uncertainties hold power, and, unable to correct its errors, it changes only through crisis.What it has shownLe phénomène bureaucratique (1963; English 1964) rests on two case studies, a clerical agency and a state industrial monopoly. L'acteur et le système (1977; English 1980) is theoretical.Who disputes itSocietal effect and comparative business systems: D'Iribarne argues that national logics of conduct, such as a French logic of honor, explain differences that Crozier attributed to power games.
- The Japanese-firm literature1960s to the presentWhat it claimsThe large Japanese firm coordinates operating decisions through horizontal information sharing among semi-autonomous shops and uses its ranking hierarchy mainly as an incentive scheme (Aoki). It creates knowledge through middle-up-down management (Nonaka and Takeuchi).What it has shownAoki (1986) is a formal model. Lincoln, Hanada, and McBride (1986) compared 51 Japanese and 55 United States manufacturing plants, and Nonaka and Takeuchi (1995) rest on case studies, chiefly of Japanese firms. Fruin (1994) found the enterprise system defined at three levels.Who disputes itLabor process and critical theory reads shop-floor delegation as control: Sewell and Wilkinson argue that just-in-time and total quality regimes delegate tactical responsibility while centralizing strategic control.
- The Scandinavian and Dutch socio-technical schools1960s to 2000sWhat it claimsThe Scandinavian program sought democracy at work through field experiments with semi-autonomous groups, then through democratic dialogue. The Dutch school's design theory turns complex organizations with simple jobs into simple organizations with complex jobs.What it has shownEmery and Thorsrud reported field experiments in Norwegian industry; Gustavsen (1992) records that they spread less than hoped, his reason for turning to dialogue. Berggren studied work organization in the Swedish auto industry. The Dutch work rests on design cases and argument.Who disputes itThe Japanese-firm literature: defenders of the Toyota system hold that standardized work with employee participation learns faster; Berggren reports Swedish long-cycle plants matching a line plant on productivity.
- Configuration theory1970s to the presentWhat it claimsStructures cluster into a small number of internally coherent configurations whose elements reinforce one another, so organizations move between a few types in large jumps, not small steps. Mintzberg's five configurations each rest on one coordinating mechanism.What it has shownDoty, Glick, and Huber (1993) found that fit to Miles and Snow's ideal types predicted effectiveness while fit to Mintzberg's did not. A meta-analysis of 40 tests (Ketchen and colleagues 1997) found that configuration partly explains performance, more so with broad definitions.Who disputes itStructural contingency theory: Donaldson counters that most organizations sit at intermediate points on a continuum of fits, not in a few configurations, and that studies over time find mostly incremental change.
- Information processing1970s to the presentWhat it claimsThe more uncertain the task, the more information must be processed during its execution. An organization either reduces that need, through slack resources or self-contained tasks, or raises its capacity, through vertical information systems or lateral relations up to the matrix.What it has shownGalbraith (1973, 1974) built the framework from cases and from Simon's theory of bounded rationality, and Tushman and Nadler (1978) set it out as an integrating concept for design. Daft and Lengel (1986) argued that structure must reduce equivocality as well as supply data.Who disputes itThe Carnegie school and the attention-based view: Ocasio holds that firm behavior results from how the firm channels and distributes attention, so structure governs where attention goes, not only how much is processed.
- Labor process and critical theory1970s to the presentWhat it claimsStructure is above all a system of control over labor. Braverman argued that management deskills work by separating conception from execution; Edwards traced a sequence from simple control by the boss to technical control through machines to bureaucratic control through rules.What it has shownHistorical and theoretical (Braverman 1974; Edwards 1979). Delbridge (1995), observing a Japanese-owned plant in England, found that just-in-time and total quality regimes combined the control of labor with management's economic goals more completely than piece rates had.Who disputes itBureaucracy and its critics: Adler argues that labor process theory ignores the progressive socialization of the labor process, which drives long-term skill upgrading, and disputes deskilling as the trend.
- Strategic choice1970s to the presentWhat it claimsStructure is the outcome of choices by those with power in the organization, who decide on strategic action, including the structural form, the manipulation of environmental features, and the performance standards to be met. Context constrains but does not determine structure.What it has shownLargely conceptual: Child (1972) built the argument from gaps in contingency findings, and the empirical case rests mostly on the modest share of structural variance contingencies explain. A 2026 review of 42 studies finds upper echelons theory their main theoretical anchor.Who disputes itStructural contingency theory: Donaldson replies that organizations mostly adopt the structures their contingencies dictate, to avoid the loss of performance misfit brings, so choice over structure is at most limited.
- The German codetermination literature1970s to the presentWhat it claimsWorks councils and employee board seats form a structural layer through which coordination can become negotiation between management and employees. Defenders argue that it supports long-term employment, training, and cooperation; critics, that it weakens shareholder control.What it has shownJäger, Schoefer, and Heining (2021) found board-level codetermination left wages unchanged and, if anything, raised capital formation. Jirjahn (2011) reports studies pointing to positive works council effects; a meta-analysis found codetermination laws tied to lower productivity.Who disputes itOrganizational economics (Gorton and Schmid) found that firms with equal employee and shareholder representation did worse for their shareholders than firms with one-third employee representation.
- Organizational economics: decision rights, authority, and complementarities1976 to the presentWhat it claimsDesign is the joint choice of who holds which decision rights, how performance is measured, and how it is rewarded. Rights should be placed where the specific knowledge lies, formal authority differs from real authority, and practices are complements that pay off in clusters.What it has shownIchniowski, Shaw, and Prennushi (1997) found, on 36 steel finishing lines, that lines using a set of innovative work practices achieved substantially higher productivity, consistent with complementarities. Bloom and colleagues found more decentralization where trust was higher.Who disputes itGhoshal argued that management research has shaped managers' worldview with ideologically inspired amoral theories, built on a scientific model that excludes human intentionality and so denies moral considerations.
- Institutional theory1977 to the presentWhat it claimsFormal structures are often adopted because they are legitimate in the organization's field, as rationalized myths, and then decoupled from the work done. Organizations in a field grow alike through coercive, mimetic, and normative isomorphism, whether or not it is efficient.What it has shownTolbert and Zucker (1983) found that city characteristics predicted early but not later adoption of civil service reform, which they read as institutionalization. Palmer, Jennings, and Zhou (1993) found support for institutional and economic accounts of late M-form adoption.Who disputes itStructural contingency theory: Kraatz and Zajac found little support for neoinstitutional predictions in 631 liberal arts colleges, which grew less alike; the change they studied was curricular, not structural.
- Population ecology1977 to the presentWhat it claimsOrganizations face strong structural inertia, because selection favors the reliability and accountability of stable structures. Change in a population's forms comes mainly from founding and failure, not adaptation, and changing core features resets the liability of newness.What it has shownAmburgey, Kelly, and Barnett (1993) found that the effects of change on the hazard of failure vary by type of change and over time, and that rates of change depend on how often and how recently an organization has changed. Carroll and Hannan (2000) set out the program's methods.Who disputes itFor structural contingency theory, Donaldson argues that ecology understates managers' capacity to adapt structure.
- Resource dependence1978 to the presentWhat it claimsOrganizations depend on outside parties for critical resources, and structure follows the management of that dependence: units that cope with critical dependencies gain power, and boundaries are redrawn through cooptation, joint ventures, and mergers to absorb constraint.What it has shownPfeffer and Salancik (1978) assembled studies of boards, mergers, and joint ventures. A meta-analysis of 157 tests (Drees and Heugens 2013) corroborated the main prediction: organizations meet resource dependencies with interorganizational arrangements that raise their autonomy.Who disputes itTransaction cost economics and the M-form hypothesis explains boundaries by efficiency; resource dependence, by power and constraint.
- The business-groups literature1978 to the presentWhat it claimsGroups of legally independent firms bound by ownership and social ties are a durable form of their own, neither one firm nor a market. Where institutions function poorly, groups can benefit member firms and can destroy value; they are sometimes paragons, sometimes parasites.What it has shownKhanna and Palepu (2000) found that affiliates of the most diversified Indian groups outperformed unaffiliated firms. A meta-analysis of 141 studies (Carney and colleagues 2011) found that affiliation lowers performance in general, less so where institutions are underdeveloped.Who disputes itOrganizational economics: agency writers read pyramids and cross-holdings as devices that separate control from ownership; Almeida and Wolfenzon offer a financing rationale for pyramids instead.
- Scandinavian institutionalism1980s to the present
- Societal effect and comparative business systems1980s to the presentWhat it claimsFirms matched on size, technology, and industry differ systematically by country, because how a society educates, trains, recruits, and promotes its workforce, and its industrial relations, shape how work is divided and supervised, so structure is partly a national product.What it has shownMaurice, Sorge, and Warner (1980) compared closely matched manufacturing units in France, West Germany, and Great Britain and found more pervasive differences in their organization than usually recognized. Whitley (1999) set out a comparative account of business systems.Who disputes itStructural contingency theory stresses culture-free elements of structure; matched comparisons find nationally different shapes of organization.
- The network perspective on organizations1985 to the presentWhat it claimsOrganizations and their members are nodes joined by ties, and the pattern of ties shapes what they can do. Economic action is embedded in networks of personal relations (Granovetter 1985), and network forms are a distinct form, not a hybrid of market and hierarchy (Powell 1990).What it has shownPodolny and Page (1998) review the research and find that network forms foster learning, confer status and legitimacy, bring economic benefits, help manage resource dependencies, and give employees considerable autonomy, and they ask for attention to networks' dysfunctions.Who disputes itTransaction cost economics: Williamson treats the hybrid as a third generic form between market and hierarchy; for Powell, network forms are a distinct form, not a mix of the two.
- Computational organization design and search1990s to the presentWhat it claimsDesign choices interact, so design space is a rugged landscape with many local peaks, and structure affects how well an organization searches it. Decentralizing interdependent decisions can trap units on poor peaks; temporary decentralization, then reintegration, can help.What it has shownMostly simulation, with one field test: Csaszar (2012), with more than 150,000 stock-picking decisions by 609 mutual funds, found that decision-making structure affects the number of initiatives pursued and the omission and commission errors made.Who disputes itNo school in the record disputes it head on; it disputes structural contingency theory, whose bivariate fit, its simulations show, cannot capture how the best design depends on interactions among choices.
- The new-forms debate1990s to the presentWhat it claimsOrganizations must solve four universal problems (dividing tasks, allocating them, providing rewards, and providing information), and a form is new when it solves them in new ways. Self-managing organizations radically decentralize authority; skeptics hold hierarchy reappears.What it has shownFoss (2003) traced the rise and partial reversal of Oticon's spaghetti organization to the problem of selective intervention. A meta-analysis of 54 studies of 13,914 teams (Greer and colleagues 2018) found that hierarchy within teams on net slightly lowers team performance.Who disputes itBureaucracy and its critics: removing formal structure leaves informal elites whose power is unaccountable (Freeman), and democratic and network organizations are much less hierarchy-free than their labels suggest.
- The algorithmic-management literature2015 to the presentWhat it claimsSoftware does much of the directing, evaluating, and disciplining that managers and rules once did. Kellogg, Valentine, and Christin (2020) call algorithmic control a new contested terrain; Puranam (2021) treats dividing decisions between people and machines as a design problem.What it has shownMostly qualitative field studies of gig work. Wood and colleagues (2019), with 107 interviews in six countries and 679 survey respondents, found that algorithmic management tends to give remote gig workers flexibility and autonomy, but also low pay, isolation, and overwork.Who disputes itLabor process and critical theory reads control at work as contested terrain; Kellogg, Valentine, and Christin take up that view but argue that algorithmic control is distinct from earlier forms.
The forms by first year
- Functional structure: 1911 to 1937
- Line and staff: 1916 to 1943
- Multidivisional (M-form) by product: 1920s practice; named and analyzed 1962 to 1975
- Machine bureaucracy: 1922 (Weber); 1979 (Mintzberg)
- Divisional by customer or market segment: 1937; 2005
- Matrix organization: 1950s to 1960s practice; analyzed 1971 to 1977
- Co-determined organization: 1951 to 1976 (the laws); 1984 to 2022 (the main studies)
- Socio-technical autonomous work groups: 1951 to 1965
- Stratified hierarchy (requisite organization): 1951 to 1989
- Cooperative organization: 1958 to 1999
- Linking-pin organization (System 4): 1961 to 1967
- Divisional by region: 1962 to 1972
- Adhocracy (innovative organization): 1968 to 1979
- J-form (the Japanese firm): 1968 to 1990
- Professional bureaucracy: 1968 to 1979
- Holding company (H-form): 1972 to 1975; 1987
- Ambidextrous organization: 1976 to 2004
- Simple structure: 1979
- Hybrid structure: 1980 to the present
- Missionary (ideological) organization: 1980 to 1989
- Network, modular, and virtual organization: 1986 to 1990
- Transnational and multidimensional organization: 1987 to 1989
- Business group (keiretsu, chaebol, family house): 1988 to 2007
- Shamrock organization: 1988 to 1989
- Federal organization: 1989 to 1992
- Self-managing organization (less-hierarchical forms): 1989 to 2017
- Boundaryless organization: 1990 to 1995
- Front-back organization: 1990s to 2007
- Professional partnership (P2 form): 1990
- The corporate center and shared services: 1991 to 2000
- Internal market organization: 1993 to 1994
- Process (horizontal) organization: 1993 to 1999
- Cellular organization: 1994 to 1997
- Hypertext organization: 1994 to 1995
- Team-based organization: 1995
- Project-based organization: 2000 to 2006
- Agile at scale: 2001 to 2016
- Distributed (all-remote) organization: 2002 to 2021
- Open-source and community-based organization: 2002 to 2007
- Algorithmically managed organization: 2015 to 2020
- Team of teams: 2015
Twenty-three of the 29 schools run to the present, and 16 of those began in the 1970s or later. The forms arrive in waves: 14 of the 41 first appear between 1985 and 1994.
Source: Fayol 1949; Weber 1978; Mayo 1933; Trist and Bamforth 1951, an interview-based field study in one industry; Burns and Stalker 1961, a field study of twenty firms; Mintzberg 1979; Child 1972a; Coase 1937; Meyer and Rowan 1977; Hannan and Freeman 1977; Galbraith 1973; Jensen and Meckling 1976; Crozier 1963; Emery and Thorsrud 1969; Yoshino 1968; Streeck 1984a; Kellogg and colleagues 2020, a review of earlier research through one theoretical lens, with no new data; Puranam and colleagues 2014, a conceptual argument; Chandler 1962, several independent case histories by a historian; Pfeffer and Salancik 1978; Simon 1946; Maurice and colleagues 1980, a comparison of matched factories in three countries; Levinthal 1997; Simon 1962; Braverman 1974; Hamilton and Biggart 1988, a comparison of three economies by scholars; Ward 1958; Czarniawska and Joerges 1995; Granovetter 1985.
From 1987 to 2000 the center became a unit to design, to answer what a center should do to add more value than it costs, and which services to pool. Goold and Campbell (1987) studied the centers of diversified British companies, and with Alexander (1994) posed the question of parenting advantage. Chandler (1991) divided headquarters' work into entrepreneurial functions, which create value, and administrative ones, which prevent loss. Quinn, Cooke, and Kris (2000), as practitioners, set out shared services as an internal supplier.
Where it fits
No work read tests a designed center, so all twelve ratings are our judgment; three are contested, and several rest on Burton and Obel (2004), the most developed scholarly fit model.
The corporate center and its shared services against the twelve contingency factors
Each factor at its three levels, Fits, Partial, or Strain; select a row for its reason, sources, and grade.
Across the 36 settings the first view reads Fits at 8, Partial at 27, and Strain at 1, the one strain at a small size. Three of the twelve cells are contested, and all twelve rest on judgment.
Source: Collis and colleagues 2007, a survey of more than 600 headquarters in Europe, the United States, Japan, and Chile; Richter and Brühl 2017, a review of research, with no new test; Knott and Turner 2019, a quantitative study of many firms in one industry, with a formal model; Chandler 1991; Kunisch and colleagues 2020, a conceptual essay with no empirical test; Hannan and Freeman 1984; Amburgey and colleagues 1993, a quantitative study of organizational change and failure rates; Galbraith 1973; Schoonhoven 1981, a quantitative study of hospital operating room suites; Pennings 1975, a quantitative field test of the structural-contingency model; Burton and Obel 2004; Cameron and colleagues 1987, a six-year study of 334 institutions of higher education; Goold and colleagues 1994b, several case studies by the same scholars; Goold and colleagues 1994a; Thompson 1967; Mahringer and Danner-Schröder 2025, one ethnographic case study; Schotter and colleagues 2017, a large-sample statistical study; Chakravarty and colleagues 2017, a large-sample statistical study; Nell and Ambos 2013, a quantitative study of 124 subsidiaries.
Your own situation against the corporate center and its shared services
Set any factor to outline its cell in the strip above; the lines under the switches give the counts, the form's place among the 41, and the misfit rules that fire.
Set: 0 of 12 factors. Fits on 0, Partial on 0, Strain on 0, Contested on 0.
Its place in the explorer's rankingEvery factor is on Any: all 41 forms tie, and the explorer lists them alphabetically.1st of 411st of 41, tied with one other1st of 41, tied with 0 othersSunk by a misfit rule: 1st of 41Sunk by a misfit rule: 1st of 41, tied with one otherSunk by a misfit rule: 1st of 41, tied with 0 others
- Flagged (its sources disagree): A prospector bound by heavy rules. Disputed: Burton and Obel 2004; against it, Sine and colleagues 2006; Adler and Borys 1996.
- Flagged (its sources disagree): A prospector that decides everything at the top. Disputed: Burton and Obel 2004; against it, Burton and Obel 2004.
- Flagged (its sources disagree): A defender with authority spread wide. Disputed: Burton and Obel 2004; against it, Mintzberg 1980.
- Flagged (it meets the form only through part of its profile): An analyzer with authority spread wide. Source: Burton and Obel 2004.
- Flagged (its sources disagree): A large organization that decides everything at the top. Disputed: Burton and Obel 2004; against it, Mintzberg 1980.
- Flagged (its sources disagree): A small organization with a large one's rules. Disputed: Burton and Obel 2004; against it, Sine and colleagues 2006.
- Flagged (its sources disagree): Nonroutine work bound by procedures. Disputed: Burton and Obel 2004; against it, Adler and colleagues 1999; Adler and Borys 1996; against it, Hickson and colleagues 1969; Child and Mansfield 1972.
- Flagged (its sources disagree): Nonroutine work decided at the top. Disputed: Burton and Obel 2004; against it, Hickson and colleagues 1969; Child and Mansfield 1972; Mohr 1971.
- Flagged (its sources disagree): Heavy rules in an unpredictable environment. Disputed: Burton and Obel 2004; against it, Sine and colleagues 2006; Bigley and Roberts 2001; Adler and Borys 1996.
- Flagged (it meets the form only through part of its profile): Central decisions in a turbulent environment. Source: Burton and Obel 2004.
- Flagged (its sources disagree): Reactor: a prospector's strategy on a defender's structure. Disputed: Miles and Snow 1978; Burton and Obel 2004; against it, Burton and colleagues 2015b; Snow and Hrebiniak 1980.
- Flagged (its sources disagree): Reactor: a defender's structure kept after the environment changed. Disputed: Miles and Snow 1978; Burton and Obel 2004; against it, Sine and colleagues 2006; Bigley and Roberts 2001; Adler and Borys 1996.
- Flagged (it meets the form only through part of its profile): Reciprocal work coordinated by standards. Source: Thompson 1967; Van de Ven and colleagues 1976.
Ranking rule: by count of Fits on the factors the reader has set, then fewest Strains, then alphabetical; a fired misfit rule that no source disputes sinks the form to the bottom when every level of the form's profile meets it, a disputed one, or one that meets the form only through one end of a spanned level, one view of a contested profile cell, or one part of a two-part form, is flagged on the row (with both views where it is disputed), and a misfit between two of the reader's own settings is shown once above the list; a contested cell counts only where its views agree at the reader's level, and otherwise shows as Contested; factors on "Any" count for nothing; with every factor on "Any" the list is alphabetical and says so.
Open these settings in the explorer
The misfit rules that can fire for this form
- A prospector bound by heavy rules fires when Strategy type at Prospector (exploration): flagged (its sources disagree). Disputed: Burton and Obel 2004; against it, Sine and colleagues 2006; Adler and Borys 1996.
- A prospector that decides everything at the top fires when Strategy type at Prospector (exploration): flagged (its sources disagree). Disputed: Burton and Obel 2004; against it, Burton and Obel 2004.
- A defender with authority spread wide fires when Strategy type at Defender (exploitation): flagged (its sources disagree). Disputed: Burton and Obel 2004; against it, Mintzberg 1980.
- An analyzer with authority spread wide fires when Strategy type at Analyzer (exploitation and exploration): flagged (it meets the form only through part of its profile). Source: Burton and Obel 2004.
- A large organization that decides everything at the top fires when Size at Large: flagged (its sources disagree). Disputed: Burton and Obel 2004; against it, Mintzberg 1980.
- A small organization with a large one's rules fires when Size at Small: flagged (its sources disagree). Disputed: Burton and Obel 2004; against it, Sine and colleagues 2006.
- Nonroutine work bound by procedures fires when Technology and routineness at Nonroutine: flagged (its sources disagree). Disputed: Burton and Obel 2004; against it, Adler and colleagues 1999; Adler and Borys 1996; against it, Hickson and colleagues 1969; Child and Mansfield 1972.
- Nonroutine work decided at the top fires when Technology and routineness at Nonroutine: flagged (its sources disagree). Disputed: Burton and Obel 2004; against it, Hickson and colleagues 1969; Child and Mansfield 1972; Mohr 1971.
- Heavy rules in an unpredictable environment fires when Environmental uncertainty (unpredictability, dynamism) at Unpredictable: flagged (its sources disagree). Disputed: Burton and Obel 2004; against it, Sine and colleagues 2006; Bigley and Roberts 2001; Adler and Borys 1996.
- Central decisions in a turbulent environment fires when Environmental uncertainty (unpredictability, dynamism) at Unpredictable and Environmental complexity at Complex: flagged (it meets the form only through part of its profile). Source: Burton and Obel 2004.
- Reactor: a prospector's strategy on a defender's structure fires when Strategy type at Prospector (exploration): flagged (its sources disagree). Disputed: Miles and Snow 1978; Burton and Obel 2004; against it, Burton and colleagues 2015b; Snow and Hrebiniak 1980.
- Reactor: a defender's structure kept after the environment changed fires when Strategy type at Defender (exploitation) and Environmental uncertainty (unpredictability, dynamism) at Unpredictable: flagged (its sources disagree). Disputed: Miles and Snow 1978; Burton and Obel 2004; against it, Sine and colleagues 2006; Bigley and Roberts 2001; Adler and Borys 1996.
- Reciprocal work coordinated by standards fires when Interdependence at Reciprocal: flagged (it meets the form only through part of its profile). Source: Thompson 1967; Van de Ven and colleagues 1976.
Thirteen of the 39 contingency misfit rules can fire for this form, and none sinks it: each meets only one end of a span, one view of its contested centralization, or one part of its two-part mechanism, so all thirteen only flag it.
Source: Burton and Obel 2004; Burton and colleagues 2020a.
- Size. Contested. Strain small, partial medium, fits large, on untested premises: Collis, Young, and Goold (2007) found company size shaping headquarters, and Richter and Brühl (2017), a review of research with no new test, report shared services in more than three quarters of the Fortune 500; institutional theorists read such adoption as legitimacy, not fit (Meyer and Rowan 1977; DiMaggio and Powell 1983). Or strain small, fits medium, partial large: in multiunit banks Knott and Turner (2019) found scale and hierarchy suppressing innovation once the number and heterogeneity of units were accounted for.
- Age. Contested. Partial young, fits established and old, our judgment that a young firm has a founder's office, not a center (Chandler 1991 and Kunisch and colleagues 2020 as premises). Or partial old too: inertia rises with age, and attempts at reorganization raise death rates (Hannan and Freeman 1984).
- Environmental uncertainty. Fits stable and shifting, partial unpredictable, our reading that central planning and standard services can lag fast change: Kunisch and colleagues (2020) argue the headquarters may face a change as radical as its emergence, and Galbraith (1973) ties more uncertainty to more information to process. Schoonhoven (1981), a quantitative study of hospital operating room suites, found traditional hypotheses drawn from Galbraith unsupported, a limit, not a test: she tested work-unit technology, not the environment. Pennings (1975), a quantitative field test of the structural-contingency model, found environment and structure fit not explaining effectiveness; Donaldson (2001) blames method.
- Munificence and hostility. Partial throughout: Burton and Obel lower centralization and complexity at high hostility and raise centralization at extreme hostility, for a unified effort; whether a center organizes that effort is our reading.
- Diversity. Contested. Partial single business, fits related, partial unrelated, our reading with Collis and colleagues (2007) as premise, since their survey did not test diversification levels. Or partial throughout on Goold and colleagues (1994): parenting fit, not relatedness, decides value.
- Strategy. Partial throughout, our reading: a center's design follows corporate strategy, the portfolio, a different scale (Collis and colleagues 2007), and Burton and Obel ask high centralization of the defender and medium or high of the analyzer without innovation, which overlap at high, so they single out no type.
- Interdependence. Fits pooled, partial sequential and reciprocal: shared services are Thompson's (1967) pooled interdependence, and reciprocal interdependence that spills across units calls for his liaison positions.
- Complexity, technology, and knowledge intensity. Partial throughout (Collis and colleagues 2007; Burton and Obel for complexity).
- Global integration pressure. Partial throughout: the regional center studies (Schotter and colleagues 2017; Chakravarty and colleagues 2017) set no level against integration pressure.
- Local responsiveness pressure. Partial low and moderate, fits high, on Nell and Ambos (2013), a quantitative study of 124 subsidiaries: headquarters that invested in local contexts added more value, so the fit needs that investment.
What it does well
Goold, Campbell, and Alexander (1994), several case studies by the same scholars, found four firms succeeding where a real opportunity, suitable skills, and a feel for the business coincided. Feldman (2020), a large-sample comparison of utilities under two legal regimes, found utilities whose holding companies were free to parent outperforming those legally limited.
It pools what each business would duplicate (our judgment) and keeps standards shared: Goold and Campbell (2002), a practitioner book, argue that common technical standards are unlikely without a corporate policy making them mandatory.
What it costs
The center is overhead the businesses pay for. Goold and colleagues (1994) argue that parents more often destroy value than add it, though four firms chosen as successes cannot show how often; Collis and colleagues (2007), a survey of more than 600 headquarters in Europe, the United States, Japan, and Chile, found no support for lean headquarters performing better.
Pooling costs autonomy, on our reading: a business with distinct needs must accept a pooled service's standard definition. Herbert and Seal (2012), one longitudinal case study, use a shared service organization to question consultants' claims of lower cost and better service.
How it fails
How the corporate center and its shared services fail, and the coordination failures behind it
The entry's failure modes at the left, each tied to the Coordination Failures patterns it names at the right; a pattern links its entry there.
How many ties the failure has. Highest: Head office costs more than it addsThe center holds decisions it cannot followCorporate and business agendas fall out of stepStandard services lag what the businesses needSubsystem self-perpetuationRegulator overloadSiloed knowledgeModel-world divergence
| Failure | Degree |
|---|---|
| Head office costs more than it adds | 1 |
| The center holds decisions it cannot follow | 1 |
| Corporate and business agendas fall out of step | 1 |
| Standard services lag what the businesses need | 1 |
| Subsystem self-perpetuation | 1 |
| Regulator overload | 1 |
| Siloed knowledge | 1 |
| Model-world divergence | 1 |
Four failure modes name four patterns, and no pattern is named by more than one.
Source: Goold and colleagues 1994b, several case studies by the same scholars; Goold and colleagues 1994a; Collis and colleagues 2007, a survey of more than 600 headquarters in Europe, the United States, Japan, and Chile; Burton and Obel 2004; Wulf 2012, a summary for managers of the author's multi-firm panel studies, with interviews and time-use data; Joseph and Ocasio 2012, one historical case study; Martin and Eisenhardt 2010, several case studies by scholars; Kunisch and colleagues 2020, a conceptual essay with no empirical test; Galbraith 1973; Mahringer and Danner-Schröder 2025, one ethnographic case study.
Head office costs more than it adds. Business heads see the center as a cost that second-guesses them, a symptom tied to Goold and colleagues' (1994) parenting advantage argument (subsystem self-perpetuation, our judgment). The remedy is contested: a small center or redesigned roles (Goold), or, as Collis and colleagues' (2007) cross-sectional data suggest, headquarters that fit corporate strategy.
The center holds decisions it cannot follow. At its centralized end the form meets Burton and Obel's (2004) undisputed rule, a proposition from theory, against central decisions when many dissimilar factors change unpredictably (regulator overload), so the rule flags it. Wulf (2012) found flattened firms holding more decisions at the top.
Corporate and business agendas fall out of step. Martin and Eisenhardt (2010), several case studies of six firms, found corporate-centric processes yielding worse collaborations than ones led by multibusiness teams of general managers; reading this as siloed knowledge is ours.
Standard services lag what the businesses need. Services defined for one picture of the businesses misserve them when needs change (model and world divergence, our reading). The nearest evidence is from agile software teams, not a center: in Mahringer and Danner-Schröder (2025), one ethnographic case study, pooled interdependence from shared resources could escalate into more complex types.
Every rule meets only a span's end, so none sinks the form. One is judgment and undisputed: reciprocal work run mainly by procedures (Thompson 1967), through shared services; ten are disputed. Burton and Obel's four against heavy rules apply in a prospector, a small organization, nonroutine work, and an unpredictable world. Sine and colleagues (2006), a quantitative study of new ventures in one sector, found more formalized founding teams doing better, against all but the nonroutine-work rule; Adler and Borys (1996), a conceptual argument, separate enabling from coercive formalization, against all but the small organization. Bigley and Roberts (2001), one inductive case study, found a bureaucratic incident command system flexible and reliable, against the unpredictable world; against nonroutine work, Adler, Goldoftas, and Levine (1999), one case study of a single plant, found NUMMI's bureaucracy handling nonroutine tasks through metaroutines, and Hickson and colleagues (1969), a multi-organization comparative survey, found operations technology bearing only on the structure nearest the workflow. Their three against decisions held at the top apply to a large organization, where Mintzberg (1980) places centralized power in older, larger ones; to a prospector, for which Burton and Obel's own book also recommends a simple, centralized configuration among three; and to nonroutine work, where Child and Mansfield (1972), a multi-firm comparative study, found size tied to structure much more strongly than technology. Miles and Snow's (1978) reactor yields two more on our reading: a defender holding to heavy rules in an unpredictable environment, their third route, open to the same dispute; and a prospector's strategy on heavy rules and central decisions, against which Burton, Obel, and Håkonsson (2015) hold that in a calm environment a reactor strategy and non-specific goals fit well together, and Snow and Hrebiniak (1980), a study of top managers' perceptions in four industries, found the other types outperforming reactors in competitive industries but not a highly regulated one, on data they call only suggestive.
The five against central decisions meet only the first view; two Burton and Obel rules against wide authority, only Rajan and Wulf's decentralized end: in an analyzer, undisputed, and in a defender, disputed by Mintzberg (1980), who places the professional bureaucracy's extensive decentralization in complex but stable environments.
What the research found
The view that corporate strategy does not matter rests largely on early variance decomposition studies that found little corporate effect. Bowman and Helfat (2001), a review of several independent quantitative studies, found the studies as a group showing corporate-level factors contributing to profitability differences; Vanneste (2017), a meta-analysis of 16 variance decomposition studies, whose simulations show the sum-of-squares measure depending on a sample's dimensions, put corporate effects above industry effects and at about half of business effects. A corporate effect, though, bundles everything that varies by owner, not the center's design alone.
Transaction cost economics holds that the general office separates strategic from operating decisions and works as an internal capital market (Williamson 1975). Freeland (1996), one historical case study, found General Motors intentionally keeping no clear line between strategic and tactical planning for most of its history, to create managerial consent; Ghoshal and Moran (1996) argue that transaction cost prescriptions are likely to be wrong and dangerous for managers. Knott and Turner (2019), a quantitative study of many firms in one industry, offer a third account, headquarters creating value by encouraging market-like dynamics among its businesses: in banking, knowledge growth rose with the number and heterogeneity of units, while neither Chandler's nor Williamson's resource-allocation account held.
Pan, Chakkol, and Johnson (2026), the most recent study and one firm's case study, found a Chinese conglomerate's zhongtai strategy addressing duplication, waste, and silos, and the firm restructuring to mirror its platform.
The evidence ledger holds 29 studies filed under this form.
In practice: one published case
General Electric, as Joseph and Ocasio (2012) describe it, is one historical case study of a corporate center at work, which the authors place within the M-form's architecture.
The authors analyzed GE's governance system from 1951 to 2001: the channels through which the corporate office and the business units met, including collective, cross-level channels between the two levels. On their account, the M-form's architecture includes these collective vertical interactions between the corporate office and the business units.
Despite an elaborate organizational architecture, there were periods when GE's governance system did not coordinate corporate and business unit agendas.
Their conclusion was that coupling specialized, cross-level channels in time creates an architecture that is both differentiated and integrated. It focuses attention sequentially, and so gives better conditions for joint attention, for coordination between the corporate office and the business units, and for adaptive change in the units.
The case is one firm, and the record read gives neither the names of GE's specific channels nor the periods in which they failed. The search, of the web and Crossref for case studies of corporate headquarters and shared services, also located Goold, Campbell, and Alexander's (1994) four cases, Dover, BTR, Emerson, and RTZ, chosen as successes.
Source: Joseph and Ocasio 2012. Architecture, attention, and adaptation in the multibusiness firm: General Electric from 1951 to 2001, Strategic Management Journal 33(6), 633 to 660; one historical case study.
Variants and near relatives
Parenting styles: financial control, strategic control, and strategic planning. Goold and Campbell (1987) define eight styles on planning influence and control influence; these three were the main ones among their 16 British companies, and another, Holding Company, leaves the center largely passive. Holding Company and Financial Control describe the holding company's center, and it differs by the tie, a center that owns and finances legally separate businesses without planning for or integrating them, where here Financial Control is one place on the two scales. On our reading, the scales also place the multidivisional form's cooperative, competitive, and corrupted M-forms and the management holding; the corporate center adds pooling.
Shared services center. A unit supplying finance, HR, IT, and other support to several businesses as an internal supplier, charged back at fully loaded cost (Quinn and colleagues 2000, practitioners). The project management office, on which Hobbs and Aubry (2007) report no consensus about structure, functions, or value, is on our reading one more unit a center may pool.
Center of excellence. Frost and colleagues' (2002) survey of 99 foreign units in Canada defines it as a unit whose capabilities the firm explicitly recognizes as an important source of value creation, to be spread across the firm. Its near relative is the transnational form, giving national units differentiated roles in one integrated network (Bartlett and Ghoshal 1989).
Regional headquarters. A center for one region's subsidiaries, either dedicated or a mandate held by an operating subsidiary: Schotter and colleagues (2017) treat it as disaggregating the headquarters, and Chakravarty and colleagues (2017) found the two kinds critically different, both large-sample statistical studies, of Japanese multinationals and of 855 Japanese centers.
Middle platform (zhongtai). Pan and colleagues' (2026) single case: middle platforms of standardized shared services between front end and back end, near the shared services center, the Front-back organization, and the platform team under team-based.
Shared top roles. Galbraith (2012): an office of the CEO with two or three vice chairmen, letting three or four executives focus on the whole enterprise, designs the apex and so the center; two-in-a-box structures inside business units belong here only as the same move. Neither is how the top team itself works.
Multihospital health system. Bazzoli and colleagues (1999), a cluster analysis of several hundred health systems from a national survey, sorted them from centralized to decentralized; Luke (2006) argued that its data do not suit company-level systems. Dubbs and colleagues (2004), the analysis repeated on 1998 data, found systems dispersing across more varied decentralized forms and the definition of centralization itself changing; Shortell and colleagues (2021), a cluster analysis of several hundred health systems from national surveys, found 82 percent relatively decentralized, which they read as operating largely as holding companies, where those clusters belong; Luke's objection may reach it too, our reading. Bazzoli and colleagues (2000), a quantitative study of hospitals across many health systems and networks, found, cross-sectionally, hospitals in moderately centralized systems doing better financially than highly centralized ones. Centralization is measured by where services are provided, not where decisions are made.
Multicampus university. Lee and Bowen (1971): a single governing board and a separate system executive over the campuses and a central staff; not the collegiate university under federal, nor the academic matrix under matrix.
Under a capital-allocating general office, the Multidivisional (M-form) by product, the nearest neighbor, is cut by product; this form designs the center's role and pools however units are cut. Delayering is a move on the layers-and-span dimension open to any form, not a variant of this one.
The corporate center beside its nearest neighbor, the multidivisional form
Select a number to fill what it marks in both drawings; the list under them gives the dimensions on which the two profiles differ.
It treats what the center does as a choice to design: how far it plans for and controls its businesses, and which support services it pools for all of them.
The corporate center and shared services
Reports toContract or priced tradeWStandardization of work processesOStandardization of outputs
- The corporate center groups its own roles and pooled services by function and leaves the businesses' cut open; the multidivisional form's grouping is its product divisions, under a general office that runs no business.
- Shared services pooled at the center supply the businesses at a charge and run to standard definitions; each product division holds most of its own functions.
Differs on 8 of 11 dimensions
- Basis of grouping Function or process; Multidivisional (M-form) by product: Product or purpose
- Specialization High; Multidivisional (M-form) by product: Medium
- Centralization Centralized to mixed; Multidivisional (M-form) by product: Mixed
- Layers and span of control Flat to moderate; Multidivisional (M-form) by product: Moderate
- Decision rights and the locus of authority Limited horizontal decentralization to limited vertical decentralization; Multidivisional (M-form) by product: Limited vertical decentralization
- Prime coordinating mechanism Standardization of work processes and standardization of outputs; Multidivisional (M-form) by product: Standardization of outputs
- Lateral mechanisms Direct contact and liaison roles; Multidivisional (M-form) by product: Hierarchy, rules, and goals only
- Mode of exchange and control Bureaucracy; Multidivisional (M-form) by product: Market and bureaucracy
Each form puts a center above operating businesses. The multidivisional form designs how the businesses are cut, by product, and the corporate center designs what the center itself does and what it pools, however the businesses are cut.
Source: Chandler 1991; Goold and Campbell 1987; Quinn and colleagues 2000; Mintzberg 1980, a synthesis of earlier research, offering propositions without a new test; Chandler 1962, several independent case histories by a historian.
Moving into or out of it
Quinn and colleagues (2000), practitioners, say a mature shared services center may operate as a separate business entity; no study read tests a sequence for moving in.
Chasserio and Botte (2020), one case study, describe a multinational decentralizing authority and shrinking its headquarters at an intensive pace, which, with managers' exclusion from consultation, may have affected implementation.
Hannan and Freeman (1984) argue that attempts at reorganization increase death rates, and Amburgey and colleagues (1993), a quantitative study of organizational change and failure rates, found the effects of change on failure varying by type of change and over time.
For guidance on running the reorganization, see Change & Transformation.
The thinking behind it
Alfred Chandler (1962, 1991): the general office, and headquarters' entrepreneurial and administrative functions, which account for the functional grouping.
Michael Goold and Andrew Campbell (1987), with Marcus Alexander (1994): parenting styles and parenting advantage; it explains why a center's roles must fit its businesses.
David Collis (2007): headquarters fitted to corporate strategy, lean ones no better, which is why the center's size is a choice.
Sven Kunisch (2020, with Menz and Collis): four canonical questions of headquarters design, and change that may transform it; it explains why the center is only partial in an unpredictable world.
James Thompson (1967): pooled interdependence, met by standardization; it explains the shared services.
Richard Burton and Børge Obel (2004): a multi-contingency model of fit and misfit rules; it explains several cells and most rules here.
Also called
Headquarters; corporate parent; global business services. The sources also write the HQ unit, the corporate office, head office, and the shared service organization; in the M-form literature, the general office.
Works cited
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