Internal market organization

Organizational StructuresNetwork and market-like forms13 min read

Units inside one firm run as small enterprises that buy from and sell to one another, and often to and from outside, while the center sets the rules and the infrastructure of the market.

What it is

An internal market organization runs the units of one firm as small enterprises. Each unit answers for its results as if it were a firm, trades with the other units, and within limits trades outside. The center sets the market's rules and infrastructure and leaves most decisions to the units. Coordination runs through prices and internal contracts, not a chain of command.

The internal market runs one firm's units as small enterprises that trade at prices

Select a unit or the letter to read it; the shaded field is the firm, and the outside party stands beyond it.

Reports toContract or priced tradeOStandardization of outputsThe firm; partners stand outside it

CenterUnits tradingas firmsCenterInternalservice unitSmallbusiness unitSmallbusiness unitOutside buyeror sellerBy functionBy product or purposeO
CenterUnits trading as firmsCenterServiceBusinessBusinessOutsideBy functionBy product or purposeO
Select a unit or a letter to read it. O, standardization of outputs: The results of the work are specified, such as targets or product dimensions, and the method is left to the unit.Center. Layer: Center. Reports to no one. Sets the market's rules and infrastructure and leaves most decisions to the units (Halal 1994). Formal power is delegated in parallel to the heads of the units.Internal service unit. Layer: Units trading as firms. Reports to Center. By function. An internal enterprise around a service, answering for its own results as if it were a firm (Halal 1994).Small business unit. Layer: Units trading as firms. Reports to Center. By product or purpose. A small unit accountable for its own results, as Kyocera's amoebas are: small, customer-focused units that operate independently (Adler and Hiromoto 2012).Small business unit. Layer: Units trading as firms. Reports to Center. By product or purpose. Settles its dealings with the other units directly, by negotiation and contract, not up the hierarchy.Outside buyer or seller. Layer: Units trading as firms. Outside the firm. A party beyond the firm. Units may buy from and sell to outside parties within limits the center sets (Halal 1994).O, standardization of outputs. The results of the work are specified, such as targets or product dimensions, and the method is left to the unit.
The structure in words
  1. Center
    • Center, reports to no one. Sets the market's rules and infrastructure and leaves most decisions to the units (Halal 1994). Formal power is delegated in parallel to the heads of the units.
  2. Units trading as firms
    • Internal service unit, reports to Center, grouped by function. An internal enterprise around a service, answering for its own results as if it were a firm (Halal 1994).
    • Small business unit, reports to Center, grouped by product or purpose. A small unit accountable for its own results, as Kyocera's amoebas are: small, customer-focused units that operate independently (Adler and Hiromoto 2012).
    • Small business unit, reports to Center, grouped by product or purpose. Settles its dealings with the other units directly, by negotiation and contract, not up the hierarchy.
    • Outside buyer or seller, outside the firm. A party beyond the firm. Units may buy from and sell to outside parties within limits the center sets (Halal 1994).
  • Internal service unit and Small business unit: contract or priced trade, coordinated by standardization of outputs.
  • Small business unit and Small business unit: contract or priced trade.
  • Small business unit and Outside buyer or seller: contract or priced trade.

The center sets the market's rules and infrastructure and leaves most decisions to the units, which buy from and sell to one another at prices inside the firm. Prices and internal contracts specify what each unit delivers, and within limits the center sets, a unit also trades outside.

Source: Halal 1994; Adler and Hiromoto 2012.

Four of its levels on this explorer's dimensions rest on theory, one contested. Grouping spans function or process and product or purpose (Halal 1994; Adler and Hiromoto 2012). Centralization is decentralized (Halal 1994; Zenger and Hesterly 1997), and boundaries selective (Halal 1994). The mode of exchange is contested: Halal places it at the market, while Zenger and Hesterly's selective intervention of market elements in hierarchy spans market and bureaucracy. The rest are our judgment: specialization and formalization medium; layers flat; decision rights at limited vertical decentralization, the nearest of Mintzberg's (1980) types; standardization of outputs; lateral mechanisms at direct contact and liaison roles; and moderate differentiation with some integrating roles.

Where the internal market organization sits on the eleven dimensions

The filled segments are the form's levels; select a row for its reason and sources.

Select a dimension to read why the form sits there, and on what basis.Basis of grouping: Function or process and product or purpose. Basis: Theory. Small units each accountable for their own results as if they were firms, such as Kyocera's amoebas, thousands of small, customer-focused business units each operating independently, or internal enterprises around services. Sources: Halal 1994; Adler and Hiromoto 2012.Specialization: Medium. Basis: Judgment. Each small unit holds the skills its business needs; judgment. Sources: Halal 1994.Standardization and formalization: Medium. Basis: Judgment. The center sets the rules and infrastructure of the market and the units trade within them; judgment for the band. Sources: Halal 1994.Centralization: Decentralized. Basis: Theory. Hierarchies are decomposed into decentralized, market-driven systems of internal enterprises. Sources: Halal 1994; Zenger and Hesterly 1997.Layers and span of control: Flat. Basis: Judgment. Many small units under a light central infrastructure; judgment for the band. Sources: Halal 1994; Inamori 2012.Decision rights and the locus of authority: Limited vertical decentralization. Basis: Judgment. Formal power is delegated in parallel to the heads of many small, self-accounting units, Mintzberg's Type C with small units; at Oticon frequent managerial meddling showed how hard that commitment is to keep; judgment for the type. Sources: Halal 1994; Foss 2003; Mintzberg 1980.Prime coordinating mechanism: Standardization of outputs. Basis: Judgment. Prices and internal contracts among units specify what each delivers, which we read as standardization of outputs; no work read makes that mapping, so it is judgment. Sources: Halal 1994; Drucker 1974.Lateral mechanisms: Direct contact and liaison roles. Basis: Judgment. Units settle their dealings directly with one another by negotiation and contract rather than up the hierarchy; judgment for the band. Sources: Halal 1994.Differentiation against integration: Moderate differentiation, some integrating roles. Basis: Judgment. Units differ as businesses do and are joined by the market's rules; judgment. Sources: Halal 1994; Lawrence and Lorsch 1967a.Mode of exchange and control: Market. Basis: Theory. Halal argues that executives should leave most decisions to the market inside the firm. Sources: Halal 1994; Zenger and Hesterly 1997. View 2: Market and bureaucracy. Zenger and Hesterly describe small autonomous units under the selective intervention of market elements in hierarchy, a mix of market and hierarchical features. Sources: Zenger and Hesterly 1997.Boundary permeability: Selective. Basis: Theory. Units may buy from and sell to outside parties within limits the center sets. Sources: Halal 1994.

Four levels rest on theory: grouping by function and by product, decentralized authority, selective boundaries, and the market as the mode of exchange. The other seven are judgment. The mode of exchange is contested: Halal (1994) places it at the market, while Zenger and Hesterly (1997) span market and bureaucracy.

Source: Halal 1994; Adler and Hiromoto 2012; Zenger and Hesterly 1997, a conceptual article; Inamori 2012; Foss 2003, one case study; Mintzberg 1980, a synthesis of earlier research, offering propositions without a new test; Drucker 1974; Lawrence and Lorsch 1967a, a multi-firm comparative field study.

Where it came from

William Halal, Ali Geranmayeh, and John Pourdehnad set it out in Internal Markets (1993), whose first chapter is Russell Ackoff's on the internal market economy. In 1994 Ackoff's The Democratic Corporation called the design the internal market economy, and Halal's "From hierarchy to enterprise" argued that centralized hierarchies are decomposing into decentralized, market-driven systems whose executives leave most decisions to the market.

The schools of organization design and the forms' origins, 1900 to now

Each row is a school's era; each square under them is a form at its first year. Select a row or a square to read it; on a form's page, its own square and span are marked, with the schools that treat it.

1900192019401960198020002020Bureaucracy and its criticsClassical administrationHuman relations and System 4Transaction cost economicsCarnegie schoolSocio-technical systemsLabor-managed firmModularity and mirroringStrategy and structureContingency theoryFrench bureaucratic schoolJapanese-firm literatureScandinavian and DutchConfiguration theoryInformation processingLabor processStrategic choiceGerman codeterminationOrganizational economicsInstitutional theoryPopulation ecologyResource dependenceBusiness groupsScandinavian institutionalSocietal effectNetwork perspectiveComputational designNew-forms debateAlgorithmic managementForms by first yearInternal market organization, 1993 to 1994Now

The forms by first year

1900192019401960198020002020Internal market organization, 1993 to 1994Now

Schools that treat this form: Organizational economics: decision rights, authority, and complementarities.

Select a school's row or a form's square to read it.Select a form's square to read it; open a school below.Bureaucracy and its critics1900s to 1950s, revived from the 1990sWhat it claimsWeber held that rational-legal authority exercised through an office hierarchy, written rules, trained officials, and promotion by qualification is technically superior in precision, speed, and reliability. Critics studied its unintended consequences, Michels's iron law sharpest.What it has shownMerton (1940) argued, with no test, that rules can turn from means into ends; case studies followed. The Aston group concluded that the type's dimensions vary independently, and Wagner's meta-analysis (2021) found that many of their interrelationships have weakened.Who disputes itHuman relations and System 4 sets the costs of impersonal rules to motivation and cooperation against the technical superiority Weber stresses.Bureaucracy and its critics in The Schools of Organization DesignClassical administration1910s to 1940s, and in German to the 1970sWhat it claimsThere are general principles of administration, among them division of work, unity of command, a scalar chain of authority, and a limited span of control, and a structure built to them will be efficient in most settings. Taylor added that planners should set work methods.What it has shownThe school offered reasoning and experience, not tests. Woodward (1965) found that the spans and levels of the more successful firms in her sample differed by production system, and Simon (1946) showed that the principles come in pairs that point in opposite directions.Who disputes itStructural contingency theory found that the structure of successful firms varies with technology and environment, where classical writers treat their principles as general.Classical administration in The Schools of Organization DesignHuman relations and System 41920s to 1960sWhat it claimsOutput depends on the social relations of work, the norms of informal groups, and the style of supervision as much as on formal design. Likert's System 4, overlapping work groups joined by linking-pin managers under participative management, outperforms authoritative systems.What it has shownThe founding evidence is the Hawthorne studies, which later reanalyses dispute (Carey 1967; Levitt and List 2011). Likert's support came largely from his own institute's surveys. Wagner (1994) found participation's effects on performance and satisfaction significant but small.Who disputes itLabor process and critical theory reads human relations as a technique of managerial control rather than a change in the distribution of power.Human relations and System 4 in The Schools of Organization DesignTransaction cost economics and the M-form hypothesis1937, then the 1970s to the presentWhat it claimsFirms exist, and are organized as they are, to economize on transaction costs. Hierarchy replaces the market when assets are specific, uncertainty is high, and exchange is frequent, and the multidivisional form should outperform the functional form in large, diversified firms.What it has shownArmour and Teece (1978) found, in United States petroleum firms from 1955 to 1973, a positive relationship between the multidivisional form and profitability while the form was spreading, but not once an equilibrium in organizational form was reached.Who disputes itThe network perspective on organizations: Granovetter argued that the theory undersocializes economic action, which is embedded in networks of personal relations that also produce trust and order.Transaction cost economics and the M-form hypothesis in The Schools of Organization DesignThe Carnegie school and the attention-based view1940s to the presentWhat it claimsPeople in organizations are boundedly rational, so structure matters because it sets the premises of their decisions and channels their attention: who sees which problems, which goals they pursue, and which routines they follow. Ocasio makes structure distribute attention.What it has shownMarch and Simon (1958) drew propositions from the existing literature, and Cyert and March (1963) added process models and simulations. Two studies show hierarchy shaping what is sent up as well as what is chosen (Reitzig and Maciejovsky 2015; Keum and See 2017).Who disputes itOrganizational economics: decision rights, authority, and complementarities models a principal and agents with defined objectives; the Carnegie school, firms as coalitions with unresolved goal conflict.The Carnegie school and the attention-based view in The Schools of Organization DesignSocio-technical systems1950s to 1980sWhat it claimsAn organization is a social system and a technical system that must be designed together. The same technology admits more than one way of organizing work, and groups that own a whole task and control its variances at the source perform better and are more satisfied.What it has shownTrist and Bamforth (1951) found that longwall mechanization broke up self-regulating work groups. A review of 134 experiments found them extremely successful overall, and Stewart (2006) linked team autonomy to performance; studies of socialist brigades and Volkswagen qualify it.Who disputes itLabor process and critical theory: Kelly argued that labor intensification, not joint optimization, accounts for what socio-technical redesign achieved, and that the part of pay incentives was seriously underestimated.Socio-technical systems in The Schools of Organization DesignThe economics of the labor-managed firm and of enterprise ownership1958 to the presentWhat it claimsA firm run by its workers behaves differently from one run for investors: Ward modeled the Yugoslav-style firm as maximizing income per worker. Hansmann argued that an ownership form's success depends on the balance between the costs of market contracting and of ownership.What it has shownBurdín (2014) found a 29 percent lower hazard of dissolution for Uruguayan worker-managed firms than for conventional ones, and Fakhfakh, Pérotin, and Gago (2012) found French labor-managed firms as productive or more so in every industry studied.Who disputes itOrganizational economics (Jensen and Meckling) contrasts the labor-managed firm, in which tradable residual claims are legally prohibited, with cooperatives and partnerships that arise out of voluntary contracting.The economics of the labor-managed firm and of enterprise ownership in The Schools of Organization DesignModularity and the mirroring hypothesis1960s to the presentWhat it claimsComplex systems are built of nearly decomposable parts, and an organization's structure tends to mirror the architecture of what it makes: modular products allow loosely coupled organizations, and tightly coupled products need tightly coupled teams. Conway's law runs in reverse.What it has shownColfer and Baldwin (2016) review the empirical studies and report both support and principled exceptions. Direct tests point both ways: MacCormack, Baldwin, and Rusnak (2012) found open source products more modular than their commercial pairs; dynamic components break the mirror.Who disputes itNo school in the record disputes it head on; it answers information processing, which meets the coordination load inside the organization; mirroring writers locate it in the product's architecture.Modularity and the mirroring hypothesis in The Schools of Organization DesignStrategy and structure1960s to 1980sWhat it claimsStructure follows strategy: firms that diversify by product or geography outgrow the centralized functional structure and, after a lag and usually a crisis, adopt divisions. Chandler drew this from the histories of DuPont, General Motors, Standard Oil of New Jersey, and Sears.What it has shownChandler (1962) is comparative business history of four firms set against a wider survey. Rumelt (1974) related diversification and structure to performance, and Egelhoff (1988), with 34 multinationals, found some of Stopford and Wells's relationships supported and others not.Who disputes itInstitutional theory: in Fligstein's model divisions spread with a product-related or unrelated strategy, presidents from sales or finance, and other firms in the industry changing; strategy was one of three.Strategy and structure in The Schools of Organization DesignStructural contingency theory1960s to the presentWhat it claimsThere is no one best structure. Performance depends on fit between structure and contingencies such as environment, technology, size, and strategy, on an open-system view of the organization. Drazin and Van de Ven separate fit as selection, interaction, and systems.What it has shownBurns and Stalker, Woodward, and the Aston group related structure to context; Drazin and Van de Ven (1985) supported selection and systems fit only. Pennings (1975) found that fit did not explain effectiveness; Schoonhoven (1981) found traditional hypotheses unsupported.Who disputes itStrategic choice: Child argued that contingency theory explains structure by the constraints of context and leaves out the political process by which power-holders choose strategic action, structural forms included.Structural contingency theory in The Schools of Organization DesignThe French bureaucratic school (strategic analysis)1960s to 1980sWhat it claimsA bureaucracy is a system of power relations organized around zones of uncertainty. Impersonal rules and centralization protect members from depending on one another, those who control uncertainties hold power, and, unable to correct its errors, it changes only through crisis.What it has shownLe phénomène bureaucratique (1963; English 1964) rests on two case studies, a clerical agency and a state industrial monopoly. L'acteur et le système (1977; English 1980) is theoretical.Who disputes itSocietal effect and comparative business systems: D'Iribarne argues that national logics of conduct, such as a French logic of honor, explain differences that Crozier attributed to power games.The French bureaucratic school (strategic analysis) in The Schools of Organization DesignThe Japanese-firm literature1960s to the presentWhat it claimsThe large Japanese firm coordinates operating decisions through horizontal information sharing among semi-autonomous shops and uses its ranking hierarchy mainly as an incentive scheme (Aoki). It creates knowledge through middle-up-down management (Nonaka and Takeuchi).What it has shownAoki (1986) is a formal model. Lincoln, Hanada, and McBride (1986) compared 51 Japanese and 55 United States manufacturing plants, and Nonaka and Takeuchi (1995) rest on case studies, chiefly of Japanese firms. Fruin (1994) found the enterprise system defined at three levels.Who disputes itLabor process and critical theory reads shop-floor delegation as control: Sewell and Wilkinson argue that just-in-time and total quality regimes delegate tactical responsibility while centralizing strategic control.The Japanese-firm literature in The Schools of Organization DesignThe Scandinavian and Dutch socio-technical schools1960s to 2000sWhat it claimsThe Scandinavian program sought democracy at work through field experiments with semi-autonomous groups, then through democratic dialogue. The Dutch school's design theory turns complex organizations with simple jobs into simple organizations with complex jobs.What it has shownEmery and Thorsrud reported field experiments in Norwegian industry; Gustavsen (1992) records that they spread less than hoped, his reason for turning to dialogue. Berggren studied work organization in the Swedish auto industry. The Dutch work rests on design cases and argument.Who disputes itThe Japanese-firm literature: defenders of the Toyota system hold that standardized work with employee participation learns faster; Berggren reports Swedish long-cycle plants matching a line plant on productivity.The Scandinavian and Dutch socio-technical schools in The Schools of Organization DesignConfiguration theory1970s to the presentWhat it claimsStructures cluster into a small number of internally coherent configurations whose elements reinforce one another, so organizations move between a few types in large jumps, not small steps. Mintzberg's five configurations each rest on one coordinating mechanism.What it has shownDoty, Glick, and Huber (1993) found that fit to Miles and Snow's ideal types predicted effectiveness while fit to Mintzberg's did not. A meta-analysis of 40 tests (Ketchen and colleagues 1997) found that configuration partly explains performance, more so with broad definitions.Who disputes itStructural contingency theory: Donaldson counters that most organizations sit at intermediate points on a continuum of fits, not in a few configurations, and that studies over time find mostly incremental change.Configuration theory in The Schools of Organization DesignInformation processing1970s to the presentWhat it claimsThe more uncertain the task, the more information must be processed during its execution. An organization either reduces that need, through slack resources or self-contained tasks, or raises its capacity, through vertical information systems or lateral relations up to the matrix.What it has shownGalbraith (1973, 1974) built the framework from cases and from Simon's theory of bounded rationality, and Tushman and Nadler (1978) set it out as an integrating concept for design. Daft and Lengel (1986) argued that structure must reduce equivocality as well as supply data.Who disputes itThe Carnegie school and the attention-based view: Ocasio holds that firm behavior results from how the firm channels and distributes attention, so structure governs where attention goes, not only how much is processed.Information processing in The Schools of Organization DesignLabor process and critical theory1970s to the presentWhat it claimsStructure is above all a system of control over labor. Braverman argued that management deskills work by separating conception from execution; Edwards traced a sequence from simple control by the boss to technical control through machines to bureaucratic control through rules.What it has shownHistorical and theoretical (Braverman 1974; Edwards 1979). Delbridge (1995), observing a Japanese-owned plant in England, found that just-in-time and total quality regimes combined the control of labor with management's economic goals more completely than piece rates had.Who disputes itBureaucracy and its critics: Adler argues that labor process theory ignores the progressive socialization of the labor process, which drives long-term skill upgrading, and disputes deskilling as the trend.Labor process and critical theory in The Schools of Organization DesignStrategic choice1970s to the presentWhat it claimsStructure is the outcome of choices by those with power in the organization, who decide on strategic action, including the structural form, the manipulation of environmental features, and the performance standards to be met. Context constrains but does not determine structure.What it has shownLargely conceptual: Child (1972) built the argument from gaps in contingency findings, and the empirical case rests mostly on the modest share of structural variance contingencies explain. A 2026 review of 42 studies finds upper echelons theory their main theoretical anchor.Who disputes itStructural contingency theory: Donaldson replies that organizations mostly adopt the structures their contingencies dictate, to avoid the loss of performance misfit brings, so choice over structure is at most limited.Strategic choice in The Schools of Organization DesignThe German codetermination literature1970s to the presentWhat it claimsWorks councils and employee board seats form a structural layer through which coordination can become negotiation between management and employees. Defenders argue that it supports long-term employment, training, and cooperation; critics, that it weakens shareholder control.What it has shownJäger, Schoefer, and Heining (2021) found board-level codetermination left wages unchanged and, if anything, raised capital formation. Jirjahn (2011) reports studies pointing to positive works council effects; a meta-analysis found codetermination laws tied to lower productivity.Who disputes itOrganizational economics (Gorton and Schmid) found that firms with equal employee and shareholder representation did worse for their shareholders than firms with one-third employee representation.The German codetermination literature in The Schools of Organization DesignOrganizational economics: decision rights, authority, and complementarities1976 to the presentWhat it claimsDesign is the joint choice of who holds which decision rights, how performance is measured, and how it is rewarded. Rights should be placed where the specific knowledge lies, formal authority differs from real authority, and practices are complements that pay off in clusters.What it has shownIchniowski, Shaw, and Prennushi (1997) found, on 36 steel finishing lines, that lines using a set of innovative work practices achieved substantially higher productivity, consistent with complementarities. Bloom and colleagues found more decentralization where trust was higher.Who disputes itGhoshal argued that management research has shaped managers' worldview with ideologically inspired amoral theories, built on a scientific model that excludes human intentionality and so denies moral considerations.Organizational economics: decision rights, authority, and complementarities in The Schools of Organization DesignInstitutional theory1977 to the presentWhat it claimsFormal structures are often adopted because they are legitimate in the organization's field, as rationalized myths, and then decoupled from the work done. Organizations in a field grow alike through coercive, mimetic, and normative isomorphism, whether or not it is efficient.What it has shownTolbert and Zucker (1983) found that city characteristics predicted early but not later adoption of civil service reform, which they read as institutionalization. Palmer, Jennings, and Zhou (1993) found support for institutional and economic accounts of late M-form adoption.Who disputes itStructural contingency theory: Kraatz and Zajac found little support for neoinstitutional predictions in 631 liberal arts colleges, which grew less alike; the change they studied was curricular, not structural.Institutional theory in The Schools of Organization DesignPopulation ecology1977 to the presentWhat it claimsOrganizations face strong structural inertia, because selection favors the reliability and accountability of stable structures. Change in a population's forms comes mainly from founding and failure, not adaptation, and changing core features resets the liability of newness.What it has shownAmburgey, Kelly, and Barnett (1993) found that the effects of change on the hazard of failure vary by type of change and over time, and that rates of change depend on how often and how recently an organization has changed. Carroll and Hannan (2000) set out the program's methods.Who disputes itFor structural contingency theory, Donaldson argues that ecology understates managers' capacity to adapt structure.Population ecology in The Schools of Organization DesignResource dependence1978 to the presentWhat it claimsOrganizations depend on outside parties for critical resources, and structure follows the management of that dependence: units that cope with critical dependencies gain power, and boundaries are redrawn through cooptation, joint ventures, and mergers to absorb constraint.What it has shownPfeffer and Salancik (1978) assembled studies of boards, mergers, and joint ventures. A meta-analysis of 157 tests (Drees and Heugens 2013) corroborated the main prediction: organizations meet resource dependencies with interorganizational arrangements that raise their autonomy.Who disputes itTransaction cost economics and the M-form hypothesis explains boundaries by efficiency; resource dependence, by power and constraint.Resource dependence in The Schools of Organization DesignThe business-groups literature1978 to the presentWhat it claimsGroups of legally independent firms bound by ownership and social ties are a durable form of their own, neither one firm nor a market. Where institutions function poorly, groups can benefit member firms and can destroy value; they are sometimes paragons, sometimes parasites.What it has shownKhanna and Palepu (2000) found that affiliates of the most diversified Indian groups outperformed unaffiliated firms. A meta-analysis of 141 studies (Carney and colleagues 2011) found that affiliation lowers performance in general, less so where institutions are underdeveloped.Who disputes itOrganizational economics: agency writers read pyramids and cross-holdings as devices that separate control from ownership; Almeida and Wolfenzon offer a financing rationale for pyramids instead.The business-groups literature in The Schools of Organization DesignScandinavian institutionalism1980s to the presentWhat it claimsIdeas of organizing do not diffuse unchanged; they travel and are translated as they are adopted, so a form taken up in one place is not the same form elsewhere. Organizations can also be built of organizations (meta-organizations), which behave differently.What it has shownA discussion paper by Czarniawska and Joerges (1995) contrasts the diffusion of ideas with their translation, drawing on examples such as Swedish municipal reform; the work on meta-organizations (Ahrne and Brunsson 2008) is conceptual.Who disputes itInstitutional theory can read the same processes, seen from a translocal view, as institutional isomorphism, though translation holds that each adopter modifies an idea, so an institution re-created elsewhere is new.Scandinavian institutionalism in The Schools of Organization DesignSocietal effect and comparative business systems1980s to the presentWhat it claimsFirms matched on size, technology, and industry differ systematically by country, because how a society educates, trains, recruits, and promotes its workforce, and its industrial relations, shape how work is divided and supervised, so structure is partly a national product.What it has shownMaurice, Sorge, and Warner (1980) compared closely matched manufacturing units in France, West Germany, and Great Britain and found more pervasive differences in their organization than usually recognized. Whitley (1999) set out a comparative account of business systems.Who disputes itStructural contingency theory stresses culture-free elements of structure; matched comparisons find nationally different shapes of organization.Societal effect and comparative business systems in The Schools of Organization DesignThe network perspective on organizations1985 to the presentWhat it claimsOrganizations and their members are nodes joined by ties, and the pattern of ties shapes what they can do. Economic action is embedded in networks of personal relations (Granovetter 1985), and network forms are a distinct form, not a hybrid of market and hierarchy (Powell 1990).What it has shownPodolny and Page (1998) review the research and find that network forms foster learning, confer status and legitimacy, bring economic benefits, help manage resource dependencies, and give employees considerable autonomy, and they ask for attention to networks' dysfunctions.Who disputes itTransaction cost economics: Williamson treats the hybrid as a third generic form between market and hierarchy; for Powell, network forms are a distinct form, not a mix of the two.The network perspective on organizations in The Schools of Organization DesignComputational organization design and search1990s to the presentWhat it claimsDesign choices interact, so design space is a rugged landscape with many local peaks, and structure affects how well an organization searches it. Decentralizing interdependent decisions can trap units on poor peaks; temporary decentralization, then reintegration, can help.What it has shownMostly simulation, with one field test: Csaszar (2012), with more than 150,000 stock-picking decisions by 609 mutual funds, found that decision-making structure affects the number of initiatives pursued and the omission and commission errors made.Who disputes itNo school in the record disputes it head on; it disputes structural contingency theory, whose bivariate fit, its simulations show, cannot capture how the best design depends on interactions among choices.Computational organization design and search in The Schools of Organization DesignThe new-forms debate1990s to the presentWhat it claimsOrganizations must solve four universal problems (dividing tasks, allocating them, providing rewards, and providing information), and a form is new when it solves them in new ways. Self-managing organizations radically decentralize authority; skeptics hold hierarchy reappears.What it has shownFoss (2003) traced the rise and partial reversal of Oticon's spaghetti organization to the problem of selective intervention. A meta-analysis of 54 studies of 13,914 teams (Greer and colleagues 2018) found that hierarchy within teams on net slightly lowers team performance.Who disputes itBureaucracy and its critics: removing formal structure leaves informal elites whose power is unaccountable (Freeman), and democratic and network organizations are much less hierarchy-free than their labels suggest.The new-forms debate in The Schools of Organization DesignThe algorithmic-management literature2015 to the presentWhat it claimsSoftware does much of the directing, evaluating, and disciplining that managers and rules once did. Kellogg, Valentine, and Christin (2020) call algorithmic control a new contested terrain; Puranam (2021) treats dividing decisions between people and machines as a design problem.What it has shownMostly qualitative field studies of gig work. Wood and colleagues (2019), with 107 interviews in six countries and 679 survey respondents, found that algorithmic management tends to give remote gig workers flexibility and autonomy, but also low pay, isolation, and overwork.Who disputes itLabor process and critical theory reads control at work as contested terrain; Kellogg, Valentine, and Christin take up that view but argue that algorithmic control is distinct from earlier forms.The algorithmic-management literature in The Schools of Organization DesignFunctional structureOrigin: 1911 to 1937.Family: Classical hierarchies.Line and staffOrigin: 1916 to 1943.Family: Classical hierarchies.Multidivisional (M-form) by productOrigin: 1920s practice; named and analyzed 1962 to 1975.Family: Divisionalized forms.Machine bureaucracyOrigin: 1922 (Weber); 1979 (Mintzberg).Family: Classical hierarchies.Divisional by customer or market segmentOrigin: 1937; 2005.Family: Divisionalized forms.Matrix organizationOrigin: 1950s to 1960s practice; analyzed 1971 to 1977.Family: Lateral and multidimensional forms.Co-determined organizationOrigin: 1951 to 1976 (the laws); 1984 to 2022 (the main studies).Family: Forms from other traditions.Socio-technical autonomous work groupsOrigin: 1951 to 1965.Family: Team-based and self-managing forms.Stratified hierarchy (requisite organization)Origin: 1951 to 1989.Family: Classical hierarchies.Cooperative organizationOrigin: 1958 to 1999.Family: Forms from other traditions.Linking-pin organization (System 4)Origin: 1961 to 1967.Family: Team-based and self-managing forms.Divisional by regionOrigin: 1962 to 1972.Family: Divisionalized forms.Adhocracy (innovative organization)Origin: 1968 to 1979.Family: Professional, project, and knowledge forms.J-form (the Japanese firm)Origin: 1968 to 1990.Family: Forms from other traditions.Professional bureaucracyOrigin: 1968 to 1979.Family: Professional, project, and knowledge forms.Holding company (H-form)Origin: 1972 to 1975; 1987.Family: Divisionalized forms.Ambidextrous organizationOrigin: 1976 to 2004.Family: Professional, project, and knowledge forms.Simple structureOrigin: 1979.Family: Classical hierarchies.Hybrid structureOrigin: 1980 to the present.Family: Lateral and multidimensional forms.Missionary (ideological) organizationOrigin: 1980 to 1989.Family: Ideological forms.Network, modular, and virtual organizationOrigin: 1986 to 1990.Family: Network and market-like forms.Transnational and multidimensional organizationOrigin: 1987 to 1989.Family: Lateral and multidimensional forms.Business group (keiretsu, chaebol, family house)Origin: 1988 to 2007.Family: Forms from other traditions.Shamrock organizationOrigin: 1988 to 1989.Family: Network and market-like forms.Federal organizationOrigin: 1989 to 1992.Family: Network and market-like forms.Self-managing organization (less-hierarchical forms)Origin: 1989 to 2017.Family: Team-based and self-managing forms.Boundaryless organizationOrigin: 1990 to 1995.Family: Network and market-like forms.Front-back organizationOrigin: 1990s to 2007.Family: Lateral and multidimensional forms.Professional partnership (P2 form)Origin: 1990.Family: Professional, project, and knowledge forms.The corporate center and shared servicesOrigin: 1991 to 2000.Family: Divisionalized forms.Internal market organizationOrigin: 1993 to 1994.Family: Network and market-like forms.Process (horizontal) organizationOrigin: 1993 to 1999.Family: Lateral and multidimensional forms.Cellular organizationOrigin: 1994 to 1997.Family: Network and market-like forms.Hypertext organizationOrigin: 1994 to 1995.Family: Forms from other traditions.Team-based organizationOrigin: 1995.Family: Team-based and self-managing forms.Project-based organizationOrigin: 2000 to 2006.Family: Professional, project, and knowledge forms.Agile at scaleOrigin: 2001 to 2016.Family: Contemporary and emerging forms.Distributed (all-remote) organizationOrigin: 2002 to 2021.Family: Contemporary and emerging forms.Open-source and community-based organizationOrigin: 2002 to 2007.Family: Contemporary and emerging forms.Algorithmically managed organizationOrigin: 2015 to 2020.Family: Contemporary and emerging forms.Team of teamsOrigin: 2015.Family: Team-based and self-managing forms.

The schools by first year

  1. Bureaucracy and its critics1900s to 1950s, revived from the 1990sWhat it claimsWeber held that rational-legal authority exercised through an office hierarchy, written rules, trained officials, and promotion by qualification is technically superior in precision, speed, and reliability. Critics studied its unintended consequences, Michels's iron law sharpest.What it has shownMerton (1940) argued, with no test, that rules can turn from means into ends; case studies followed. The Aston group concluded that the type's dimensions vary independently, and Wagner's meta-analysis (2021) found that many of their interrelationships have weakened.Who disputes itHuman relations and System 4 sets the costs of impersonal rules to motivation and cooperation against the technical superiority Weber stresses.
  2. Classical administration1910s to 1940s, and in German to the 1970sWhat it claimsThere are general principles of administration, among them division of work, unity of command, a scalar chain of authority, and a limited span of control, and a structure built to them will be efficient in most settings. Taylor added that planners should set work methods.What it has shownThe school offered reasoning and experience, not tests. Woodward (1965) found that the spans and levels of the more successful firms in her sample differed by production system, and Simon (1946) showed that the principles come in pairs that point in opposite directions.Who disputes itStructural contingency theory found that the structure of successful firms varies with technology and environment, where classical writers treat their principles as general.
  3. Human relations and System 41920s to 1960sWhat it claimsOutput depends on the social relations of work, the norms of informal groups, and the style of supervision as much as on formal design. Likert's System 4, overlapping work groups joined by linking-pin managers under participative management, outperforms authoritative systems.What it has shownThe founding evidence is the Hawthorne studies, which later reanalyses dispute (Carey 1967; Levitt and List 2011). Likert's support came largely from his own institute's surveys. Wagner (1994) found participation's effects on performance and satisfaction significant but small.Who disputes itLabor process and critical theory reads human relations as a technique of managerial control rather than a change in the distribution of power.
  4. Transaction cost economics and the M-form hypothesis1937, then the 1970s to the presentWhat it claimsFirms exist, and are organized as they are, to economize on transaction costs. Hierarchy replaces the market when assets are specific, uncertainty is high, and exchange is frequent, and the multidivisional form should outperform the functional form in large, diversified firms.What it has shownArmour and Teece (1978) found, in United States petroleum firms from 1955 to 1973, a positive relationship between the multidivisional form and profitability while the form was spreading, but not once an equilibrium in organizational form was reached.Who disputes itThe network perspective on organizations: Granovetter argued that the theory undersocializes economic action, which is embedded in networks of personal relations that also produce trust and order.
  5. The Carnegie school and the attention-based view1940s to the presentWhat it claimsPeople in organizations are boundedly rational, so structure matters because it sets the premises of their decisions and channels their attention: who sees which problems, which goals they pursue, and which routines they follow. Ocasio makes structure distribute attention.What it has shownMarch and Simon (1958) drew propositions from the existing literature, and Cyert and March (1963) added process models and simulations. Two studies show hierarchy shaping what is sent up as well as what is chosen (Reitzig and Maciejovsky 2015; Keum and See 2017).Who disputes itOrganizational economics: decision rights, authority, and complementarities models a principal and agents with defined objectives; the Carnegie school, firms as coalitions with unresolved goal conflict.
  6. Socio-technical systems1950s to 1980sWhat it claimsAn organization is a social system and a technical system that must be designed together. The same technology admits more than one way of organizing work, and groups that own a whole task and control its variances at the source perform better and are more satisfied.What it has shownTrist and Bamforth (1951) found that longwall mechanization broke up self-regulating work groups. A review of 134 experiments found them extremely successful overall, and Stewart (2006) linked team autonomy to performance; studies of socialist brigades and Volkswagen qualify it.Who disputes itLabor process and critical theory: Kelly argued that labor intensification, not joint optimization, accounts for what socio-technical redesign achieved, and that the part of pay incentives was seriously underestimated.
  7. The economics of the labor-managed firm and of enterprise ownership1958 to the presentWhat it claimsA firm run by its workers behaves differently from one run for investors: Ward modeled the Yugoslav-style firm as maximizing income per worker. Hansmann argued that an ownership form's success depends on the balance between the costs of market contracting and of ownership.What it has shownBurdín (2014) found a 29 percent lower hazard of dissolution for Uruguayan worker-managed firms than for conventional ones, and Fakhfakh, Pérotin, and Gago (2012) found French labor-managed firms as productive or more so in every industry studied.Who disputes itOrganizational economics (Jensen and Meckling) contrasts the labor-managed firm, in which tradable residual claims are legally prohibited, with cooperatives and partnerships that arise out of voluntary contracting.
  8. Modularity and the mirroring hypothesis1960s to the presentWhat it claimsComplex systems are built of nearly decomposable parts, and an organization's structure tends to mirror the architecture of what it makes: modular products allow loosely coupled organizations, and tightly coupled products need tightly coupled teams. Conway's law runs in reverse.What it has shownColfer and Baldwin (2016) review the empirical studies and report both support and principled exceptions. Direct tests point both ways: MacCormack, Baldwin, and Rusnak (2012) found open source products more modular than their commercial pairs; dynamic components break the mirror.Who disputes itNo school in the record disputes it head on; it answers information processing, which meets the coordination load inside the organization; mirroring writers locate it in the product's architecture.
  9. Strategy and structure1960s to 1980sWhat it claimsStructure follows strategy: firms that diversify by product or geography outgrow the centralized functional structure and, after a lag and usually a crisis, adopt divisions. Chandler drew this from the histories of DuPont, General Motors, Standard Oil of New Jersey, and Sears.What it has shownChandler (1962) is comparative business history of four firms set against a wider survey. Rumelt (1974) related diversification and structure to performance, and Egelhoff (1988), with 34 multinationals, found some of Stopford and Wells's relationships supported and others not.Who disputes itInstitutional theory: in Fligstein's model divisions spread with a product-related or unrelated strategy, presidents from sales or finance, and other firms in the industry changing; strategy was one of three.
  10. Structural contingency theory1960s to the presentWhat it claimsThere is no one best structure. Performance depends on fit between structure and contingencies such as environment, technology, size, and strategy, on an open-system view of the organization. Drazin and Van de Ven separate fit as selection, interaction, and systems.What it has shownBurns and Stalker, Woodward, and the Aston group related structure to context; Drazin and Van de Ven (1985) supported selection and systems fit only. Pennings (1975) found that fit did not explain effectiveness; Schoonhoven (1981) found traditional hypotheses unsupported.Who disputes itStrategic choice: Child argued that contingency theory explains structure by the constraints of context and leaves out the political process by which power-holders choose strategic action, structural forms included.
  11. The French bureaucratic school (strategic analysis)1960s to 1980sWhat it claimsA bureaucracy is a system of power relations organized around zones of uncertainty. Impersonal rules and centralization protect members from depending on one another, those who control uncertainties hold power, and, unable to correct its errors, it changes only through crisis.What it has shownLe phénomène bureaucratique (1963; English 1964) rests on two case studies, a clerical agency and a state industrial monopoly. L'acteur et le système (1977; English 1980) is theoretical.Who disputes itSocietal effect and comparative business systems: D'Iribarne argues that national logics of conduct, such as a French logic of honor, explain differences that Crozier attributed to power games.
  12. The Japanese-firm literature1960s to the presentWhat it claimsThe large Japanese firm coordinates operating decisions through horizontal information sharing among semi-autonomous shops and uses its ranking hierarchy mainly as an incentive scheme (Aoki). It creates knowledge through middle-up-down management (Nonaka and Takeuchi).What it has shownAoki (1986) is a formal model. Lincoln, Hanada, and McBride (1986) compared 51 Japanese and 55 United States manufacturing plants, and Nonaka and Takeuchi (1995) rest on case studies, chiefly of Japanese firms. Fruin (1994) found the enterprise system defined at three levels.Who disputes itLabor process and critical theory reads shop-floor delegation as control: Sewell and Wilkinson argue that just-in-time and total quality regimes delegate tactical responsibility while centralizing strategic control.
  13. The Scandinavian and Dutch socio-technical schools1960s to 2000sWhat it claimsThe Scandinavian program sought democracy at work through field experiments with semi-autonomous groups, then through democratic dialogue. The Dutch school's design theory turns complex organizations with simple jobs into simple organizations with complex jobs.What it has shownEmery and Thorsrud reported field experiments in Norwegian industry; Gustavsen (1992) records that they spread less than hoped, his reason for turning to dialogue. Berggren studied work organization in the Swedish auto industry. The Dutch work rests on design cases and argument.Who disputes itThe Japanese-firm literature: defenders of the Toyota system hold that standardized work with employee participation learns faster; Berggren reports Swedish long-cycle plants matching a line plant on productivity.
  14. Configuration theory1970s to the presentWhat it claimsStructures cluster into a small number of internally coherent configurations whose elements reinforce one another, so organizations move between a few types in large jumps, not small steps. Mintzberg's five configurations each rest on one coordinating mechanism.What it has shownDoty, Glick, and Huber (1993) found that fit to Miles and Snow's ideal types predicted effectiveness while fit to Mintzberg's did not. A meta-analysis of 40 tests (Ketchen and colleagues 1997) found that configuration partly explains performance, more so with broad definitions.Who disputes itStructural contingency theory: Donaldson counters that most organizations sit at intermediate points on a continuum of fits, not in a few configurations, and that studies over time find mostly incremental change.
  15. Information processing1970s to the presentWhat it claimsThe more uncertain the task, the more information must be processed during its execution. An organization either reduces that need, through slack resources or self-contained tasks, or raises its capacity, through vertical information systems or lateral relations up to the matrix.What it has shownGalbraith (1973, 1974) built the framework from cases and from Simon's theory of bounded rationality, and Tushman and Nadler (1978) set it out as an integrating concept for design. Daft and Lengel (1986) argued that structure must reduce equivocality as well as supply data.Who disputes itThe Carnegie school and the attention-based view: Ocasio holds that firm behavior results from how the firm channels and distributes attention, so structure governs where attention goes, not only how much is processed.
  16. Labor process and critical theory1970s to the presentWhat it claimsStructure is above all a system of control over labor. Braverman argued that management deskills work by separating conception from execution; Edwards traced a sequence from simple control by the boss to technical control through machines to bureaucratic control through rules.What it has shownHistorical and theoretical (Braverman 1974; Edwards 1979). Delbridge (1995), observing a Japanese-owned plant in England, found that just-in-time and total quality regimes combined the control of labor with management's economic goals more completely than piece rates had.Who disputes itBureaucracy and its critics: Adler argues that labor process theory ignores the progressive socialization of the labor process, which drives long-term skill upgrading, and disputes deskilling as the trend.
  17. Strategic choice1970s to the presentWhat it claimsStructure is the outcome of choices by those with power in the organization, who decide on strategic action, including the structural form, the manipulation of environmental features, and the performance standards to be met. Context constrains but does not determine structure.What it has shownLargely conceptual: Child (1972) built the argument from gaps in contingency findings, and the empirical case rests mostly on the modest share of structural variance contingencies explain. A 2026 review of 42 studies finds upper echelons theory their main theoretical anchor.Who disputes itStructural contingency theory: Donaldson replies that organizations mostly adopt the structures their contingencies dictate, to avoid the loss of performance misfit brings, so choice over structure is at most limited.
  18. The German codetermination literature1970s to the presentWhat it claimsWorks councils and employee board seats form a structural layer through which coordination can become negotiation between management and employees. Defenders argue that it supports long-term employment, training, and cooperation; critics, that it weakens shareholder control.What it has shownJäger, Schoefer, and Heining (2021) found board-level codetermination left wages unchanged and, if anything, raised capital formation. Jirjahn (2011) reports studies pointing to positive works council effects; a meta-analysis found codetermination laws tied to lower productivity.Who disputes itOrganizational economics (Gorton and Schmid) found that firms with equal employee and shareholder representation did worse for their shareholders than firms with one-third employee representation.
  19. Organizational economics: decision rights, authority, and complementarities1976 to the presentWhat it claimsDesign is the joint choice of who holds which decision rights, how performance is measured, and how it is rewarded. Rights should be placed where the specific knowledge lies, formal authority differs from real authority, and practices are complements that pay off in clusters.What it has shownIchniowski, Shaw, and Prennushi (1997) found, on 36 steel finishing lines, that lines using a set of innovative work practices achieved substantially higher productivity, consistent with complementarities. Bloom and colleagues found more decentralization where trust was higher.Who disputes itGhoshal argued that management research has shaped managers' worldview with ideologically inspired amoral theories, built on a scientific model that excludes human intentionality and so denies moral considerations.
  20. Institutional theory1977 to the presentWhat it claimsFormal structures are often adopted because they are legitimate in the organization's field, as rationalized myths, and then decoupled from the work done. Organizations in a field grow alike through coercive, mimetic, and normative isomorphism, whether or not it is efficient.What it has shownTolbert and Zucker (1983) found that city characteristics predicted early but not later adoption of civil service reform, which they read as institutionalization. Palmer, Jennings, and Zhou (1993) found support for institutional and economic accounts of late M-form adoption.Who disputes itStructural contingency theory: Kraatz and Zajac found little support for neoinstitutional predictions in 631 liberal arts colleges, which grew less alike; the change they studied was curricular, not structural.
  21. Population ecology1977 to the presentWhat it claimsOrganizations face strong structural inertia, because selection favors the reliability and accountability of stable structures. Change in a population's forms comes mainly from founding and failure, not adaptation, and changing core features resets the liability of newness.What it has shownAmburgey, Kelly, and Barnett (1993) found that the effects of change on the hazard of failure vary by type of change and over time, and that rates of change depend on how often and how recently an organization has changed. Carroll and Hannan (2000) set out the program's methods.Who disputes itFor structural contingency theory, Donaldson argues that ecology understates managers' capacity to adapt structure.
  22. Resource dependence1978 to the presentWhat it claimsOrganizations depend on outside parties for critical resources, and structure follows the management of that dependence: units that cope with critical dependencies gain power, and boundaries are redrawn through cooptation, joint ventures, and mergers to absorb constraint.What it has shownPfeffer and Salancik (1978) assembled studies of boards, mergers, and joint ventures. A meta-analysis of 157 tests (Drees and Heugens 2013) corroborated the main prediction: organizations meet resource dependencies with interorganizational arrangements that raise their autonomy.Who disputes itTransaction cost economics and the M-form hypothesis explains boundaries by efficiency; resource dependence, by power and constraint.
  23. The business-groups literature1978 to the presentWhat it claimsGroups of legally independent firms bound by ownership and social ties are a durable form of their own, neither one firm nor a market. Where institutions function poorly, groups can benefit member firms and can destroy value; they are sometimes paragons, sometimes parasites.What it has shownKhanna and Palepu (2000) found that affiliates of the most diversified Indian groups outperformed unaffiliated firms. A meta-analysis of 141 studies (Carney and colleagues 2011) found that affiliation lowers performance in general, less so where institutions are underdeveloped.Who disputes itOrganizational economics: agency writers read pyramids and cross-holdings as devices that separate control from ownership; Almeida and Wolfenzon offer a financing rationale for pyramids instead.
  24. Scandinavian institutionalism1980s to the presentWhat it claimsIdeas of organizing do not diffuse unchanged; they travel and are translated as they are adopted, so a form taken up in one place is not the same form elsewhere. Organizations can also be built of organizations (meta-organizations), which behave differently.What it has shownA discussion paper by Czarniawska and Joerges (1995) contrasts the diffusion of ideas with their translation, drawing on examples such as Swedish municipal reform; the work on meta-organizations (Ahrne and Brunsson 2008) is conceptual.Who disputes itInstitutional theory can read the same processes, seen from a translocal view, as institutional isomorphism, though translation holds that each adopter modifies an idea, so an institution re-created elsewhere is new.
  25. Societal effect and comparative business systems1980s to the presentWhat it claimsFirms matched on size, technology, and industry differ systematically by country, because how a society educates, trains, recruits, and promotes its workforce, and its industrial relations, shape how work is divided and supervised, so structure is partly a national product.What it has shownMaurice, Sorge, and Warner (1980) compared closely matched manufacturing units in France, West Germany, and Great Britain and found more pervasive differences in their organization than usually recognized. Whitley (1999) set out a comparative account of business systems.Who disputes itStructural contingency theory stresses culture-free elements of structure; matched comparisons find nationally different shapes of organization.
  26. The network perspective on organizations1985 to the presentWhat it claimsOrganizations and their members are nodes joined by ties, and the pattern of ties shapes what they can do. Economic action is embedded in networks of personal relations (Granovetter 1985), and network forms are a distinct form, not a hybrid of market and hierarchy (Powell 1990).What it has shownPodolny and Page (1998) review the research and find that network forms foster learning, confer status and legitimacy, bring economic benefits, help manage resource dependencies, and give employees considerable autonomy, and they ask for attention to networks' dysfunctions.Who disputes itTransaction cost economics: Williamson treats the hybrid as a third generic form between market and hierarchy; for Powell, network forms are a distinct form, not a mix of the two.
  27. Computational organization design and search1990s to the presentWhat it claimsDesign choices interact, so design space is a rugged landscape with many local peaks, and structure affects how well an organization searches it. Decentralizing interdependent decisions can trap units on poor peaks; temporary decentralization, then reintegration, can help.What it has shownMostly simulation, with one field test: Csaszar (2012), with more than 150,000 stock-picking decisions by 609 mutual funds, found that decision-making structure affects the number of initiatives pursued and the omission and commission errors made.Who disputes itNo school in the record disputes it head on; it disputes structural contingency theory, whose bivariate fit, its simulations show, cannot capture how the best design depends on interactions among choices.
  28. The new-forms debate1990s to the presentWhat it claimsOrganizations must solve four universal problems (dividing tasks, allocating them, providing rewards, and providing information), and a form is new when it solves them in new ways. Self-managing organizations radically decentralize authority; skeptics hold hierarchy reappears.What it has shownFoss (2003) traced the rise and partial reversal of Oticon's spaghetti organization to the problem of selective intervention. A meta-analysis of 54 studies of 13,914 teams (Greer and colleagues 2018) found that hierarchy within teams on net slightly lowers team performance.Who disputes itBureaucracy and its critics: removing formal structure leaves informal elites whose power is unaccountable (Freeman), and democratic and network organizations are much less hierarchy-free than their labels suggest.
  29. The algorithmic-management literature2015 to the presentWhat it claimsSoftware does much of the directing, evaluating, and disciplining that managers and rules once did. Kellogg, Valentine, and Christin (2020) call algorithmic control a new contested terrain; Puranam (2021) treats dividing decisions between people and machines as a design problem.What it has shownMostly qualitative field studies of gig work. Wood and colleagues (2019), with 107 interviews in six countries and 679 survey respondents, found that algorithmic management tends to give remote gig workers flexibility and autonomy, but also low pay, isolation, and overwork.Who disputes itLabor process and critical theory reads control at work as contested terrain; Kellogg, Valentine, and Christin take up that view but argue that algorithmic control is distinct from earlier forms.

The forms by first year

  1. Functional structure: 1911 to 1937
  2. Line and staff: 1916 to 1943
  3. Multidivisional (M-form) by product: 1920s practice; named and analyzed 1962 to 1975
  4. Machine bureaucracy: 1922 (Weber); 1979 (Mintzberg)
  5. Divisional by customer or market segment: 1937; 2005
  6. Matrix organization: 1950s to 1960s practice; analyzed 1971 to 1977
  7. Co-determined organization: 1951 to 1976 (the laws); 1984 to 2022 (the main studies)
  8. Socio-technical autonomous work groups: 1951 to 1965
  9. Stratified hierarchy (requisite organization): 1951 to 1989
  10. Cooperative organization: 1958 to 1999
  11. Linking-pin organization (System 4): 1961 to 1967
  12. Divisional by region: 1962 to 1972
  13. Adhocracy (innovative organization): 1968 to 1979
  14. J-form (the Japanese firm): 1968 to 1990
  15. Professional bureaucracy: 1968 to 1979
  16. Holding company (H-form): 1972 to 1975; 1987
  17. Ambidextrous organization: 1976 to 2004
  18. Simple structure: 1979
  19. Hybrid structure: 1980 to the present
  20. Missionary (ideological) organization: 1980 to 1989
  21. Network, modular, and virtual organization: 1986 to 1990
  22. Transnational and multidimensional organization: 1987 to 1989
  23. Business group (keiretsu, chaebol, family house): 1988 to 2007
  24. Shamrock organization: 1988 to 1989
  25. Federal organization: 1989 to 1992
  26. Self-managing organization (less-hierarchical forms): 1989 to 2017
  27. Boundaryless organization: 1990 to 1995
  28. Front-back organization: 1990s to 2007
  29. Professional partnership (P2 form): 1990
  30. The corporate center and shared services: 1991 to 2000
  31. Internal market organization: 1993 to 1994
  32. Process (horizontal) organization: 1993 to 1999
  33. Cellular organization: 1994 to 1997
  34. Hypertext organization: 1994 to 1995
  35. Team-based organization: 1995
  36. Project-based organization: 2000 to 2006
  37. Agile at scale: 2001 to 2016
  38. Distributed (all-remote) organization: 2002 to 2021
  39. Open-source and community-based organization: 2002 to 2007
  40. Algorithmically managed organization: 2015 to 2020
  41. Team of teams: 2015

Twenty-three of the 29 schools run to the present, and 16 of those began in the 1970s or later. The forms arrive in waves: 14 of the 41 first appear between 1985 and 1994.

Source: Fayol 1949; Weber 1978; Mayo 1933; Trist and Bamforth 1951, an interview-based field study in one industry; Burns and Stalker 1961, a field study of twenty firms; Mintzberg 1979; Child 1972a; Coase 1937; Meyer and Rowan 1977; Hannan and Freeman 1977; Galbraith 1973; Jensen and Meckling 1976; Crozier 1963; Emery and Thorsrud 1969; Yoshino 1968; Streeck 1984a; Kellogg and colleagues 2020, a review of earlier research through one theoretical lens, with no new data; Puranam and colleagues 2014, a conceptual argument; Chandler 1962, several independent case histories by a historian; Pfeffer and Salancik 1978; Simon 1946; Maurice and colleagues 1980, a comparison of matched factories in three countries; Levinthal 1997; Simon 1962; Braverman 1974; Hamilton and Biggart 1988, a comparison of three economies by scholars; Ward 1958; Czarniawska and Joerges 1995; Granovetter 1985.

The move is older than the name. Peter Drucker (1974) set out simulated decentralization, and nineteenth-century American plants ran on inside contracting, which John Buttrick (1952) described at the Winchester Repeating Arms Company. Kazuo Inamori, Kyocera's founder, developed amoeba management, which no source read dates.

The problem it answered was how a large hierarchy can break into units that deal like firms.

Where it fits

No cell tests the form against its factor, though all but the age, munificence, technology, and interdependence cells draw on studies of it. One cell is theory and eleven our judgment, two contested; three draw on Burton and Obel (2004), the most developed scholarly fit model.

The internal market organization against the twelve contingency factors

Each factor at its three levels, Fits, Partial, or Strain; select a row for its reason, sources, and grade.

Select a factor to read its reason, sources, basis, and grade.Size. Internal trading among units is a way to decompose a large hierarchy; in a small firm it adds contracting overhead with little to decompose. Basis: Judgment. Sources: Halal 1994; Zenger and Hesterly 1997.Age. Internal markets are usually introduced into an existing hierarchy to break it up, rather than built at founding. Basis: Judgment. Sources: Halal 1994; Hannan and Freeman 1984; Amburgey and colleagues 1993. View 1: Young partial, Established fits, Old fits. Internal markets are usually introduced into an existing hierarchy to break it up, rather than built at founding. Sources: Halal 1994. View 2: Young partial, Established fits, Old partial. Inertia rises with age, and attempts at reorganization raise death rates, so reorganizing an old organization into this form is itself a hazard at the old level. Sources: Hannan and Freeman 1984.Environmental uncertainty (unpredictability, dynamism). Units that trade with each other respond to local signals without waiting for the center; in a stable setting central planning is cheaper than internal contracting. Basis: Judgment. Sources: Halal 1994; Foss 2003; Stark 1986; Pennings 1975. View 1: Stable partial, Shifting fits, Unpredictable fits. Units that trade with each other respond to local signals, and executives leave most decisions to the market. Sources: Halal 1994. View 2: Stable partial, Shifting partial, Unpredictable partial. Firms in a market environment reduced uncertainty about labor through internal bureaucratic rules, while internal market transactions were the response of the socialist firm to a bureaucratic environment. Sources: Stark 1986.Environmental complexity. Prices let each unit act on what it knows about its own part of a complex environment; with few factors, the market machinery adds little. Basis: Judgment. Sources: Burton and Obel 2004; Zenger and Hesterly 1997; Pennings 1975.Munificence and hostility. Internal prices show which units lose money under threat; Burton and Obel lower centralization under high hostility, which leaves the market's rules in place, but raise it under extreme hostility, when the push to centralize tends to override them. Basis: Judgment. Sources: Burton and Obel 2004; Staw and colleagues 1981.Diversity of products and markets. Units that buy from and sell to one another need related work to trade; unrelated businesses have little to exchange. Basis: Judgment. Sources: Zenger and Hesterly 1997; Halal 1994.Strategy type. Burton and Obel name low centralization a misfit for a defender, and an internal market spreads decisions across trading units; no work read ties the form to the analyzer or the prospector. Basis: Judgment. Sources: Halal 1994; Zenger and Hesterly 1997; Burton and Obel 2004.Technology and routineness. Prices coordinate well when outputs can be measured, which routine work allows; nonroutine work raises the performance ambiguity under which Ouchi says markets fail and clans do better. Basis: Judgment. Sources: Ouchi 1980; Perrow 1967; Hickson and colleagues 1969; Mohr 1971.Interdependence. Units that sell their output to the next unit can deal at prices, as Thompson's sequentially interdependent divisions do, and in our judgment units drawing on a shared pool can be charged for it; continuous back-and-forth adjustment cannot be priced deal by deal. Basis: Theory. Grade: conceptual only, no empirical test. Sources: Thompson 1967; Halal 1994.Knowledge intensity and professionalization. Internal markets have been run among small autonomous units inside large firms and among the academic units of universities alike, and no work read ties the form to training levels. Basis: Judgment. Sources: Zenger and Hesterly 1997; Jaquette and colleagues 2018.Global integration pressure. No work read ties internal markets to integration pressure across countries, so this factor gives no reason for or against. Basis: Judgment. Sources: Zenger and Hesterly 1997.Local responsiveness pressure. No work read ties internal markets to local responsiveness across countries, so this factor gives no reason for or against. Basis: Judgment. Sources: Zenger and Hesterly 1997.

Counting each contested cell by its first view, the 36 settings read Fits at 11, Partial at 20, and Strain at 5, the strains at a small size, unrelated diversification, a defender strategy, nonroutine work, and reciprocal interdependence. Two of the twelve cells are contested, and eleven rest on judgment.

Source: Halal 1994; Zenger and Hesterly 1997, a conceptual article; Hannan and Freeman 1984; Amburgey and colleagues 1993, a quantitative study of organizational change and failure rates; Foss 2003, one case study; Stark 1986, a comparative analysis with one national reform as its case; Pennings 1975, a quantitative field test of the structural-contingency model; Burton and Obel 2004; Staw and colleagues 1981, a review of earlier evidence at several levels, with no new data; Ouchi 1980, a conceptual article; Perrow 1967; Hickson and colleagues 1969, a multi-organization comparative survey; Mohr 1971, a quantitative field study of technology and structure; Thompson 1967; Jaquette and colleagues 2018, a quasi-experimental comparison of four universities with synthetic controls.

Your own situation against the internal market organization

Set any factor to outline its cell in the strip above; the lines under the switches give the counts, the form's place among the 41, and the misfit rules that fire.

Size
Age
Environmental uncertainty (unpredictability, dynamism)
Environmental complexity
Munificence and hostility
Diversity of products and markets
Strategy type
Technology and routineness
Interdependence
Knowledge intensity and professionalization
Global integration pressure
Local responsiveness pressure

Set: 0 of 12 factors. Fits on 0, Partial on 0, Strain on 0, Contested on 0.

Its place in the explorer's rankingEvery factor is on Any: all 41 forms tie, and the explorer lists them alphabetically.1st of 411st of 41, tied with one other1st of 41, tied with 0 othersSunk by a misfit rule: 1st of 41Sunk by a misfit rule: 1st of 41, tied with one otherSunk by a misfit rule: 1st of 41, tied with 0 others

  • Flagged (its sources disagree): A defender with authority spread wide. Disputed: Burton and Obel 2004; against it, Mintzberg 1980.
  • Sinks the form: An analyzer with authority spread wide. Source: Burton and Obel 2004.

Ranking rule: by count of Fits on the factors the reader has set, then fewest Strains, then alphabetical; a fired misfit rule that no source disputes sinks the form to the bottom when every level of the form's profile meets it, a disputed one, or one that meets the form only through one end of a spanned level, one view of a contested profile cell, or one part of a two-part form, is flagged on the row (with both views where it is disputed), and a misfit between two of the reader's own settings is shown once above the list; a contested cell counts only where its views agree at the reader's level, and otherwise shows as Contested; factors on "Any" count for nothing; with every factor on "Any" the list is alphabetical and says so.

Open these settings in the explorer

The misfit rules that can fire for this form

  • A defender with authority spread wide fires when Strategy type at Defender (exploitation): flagged (its sources disagree). Disputed: Burton and Obel 2004; against it, Mintzberg 1980.
  • An analyzer with authority spread wide fires when Strategy type at Analyzer (exploitation and exploration): sinks the form. Source: Burton and Obel 2004.

Of the 39 contingency misfit rules, two can fire for this form: one would sink it and one would only flag it.

Source: Burton and Obel 2004; Burton and colleagues 2020a.

  • Size. Our judgment: strain small, partial medium, fits large. In a small firm internal trading adds contracting overhead with little to break up; Halal (1994) and Zenger and Hesterly (1997) write only of large firms.
  • Age. Contested, both judgment. Halal (1994): partial young, fits established and old, since internal markets are usually introduced to break up an existing hierarchy. Hannan and Freeman (1984): partial old, since inertia rises with age, and attempts at reorganization raise death rates, so reorganizing an old organization into this form is itself a hazard.
  • Environmental uncertainty. Contested, both judgment. Halal (1994): partial stable, fits shifting and unpredictable, since trading units act on local signals. Stark (1986), a comparative analysis with one national reform as its case: partial throughout, since market-economy firms met labor uncertainty with internal bureaucratic rules and the socialist firm, in a bureaucratic environment, with internal markets.
  • Environmental complexity. Our judgment: partial simple and moderate, fits complex, since prices let each unit act on what it knows (Burton and Obel 2004; Zenger and Hesterly 1997).
  • Munificence and hostility. Our judgment: partial throughout. Burton and Obel (2004) point both ways: at high hostility, lower centralization and low formalization; at extreme hostility, maybe only for a time, centralize. Staw, Sandelands, and Dutton (1981), a review of earlier evidence with no new data, describe control constricting under threat, a tendency; Cameron, Kim, and Whetten (1987), a six-year study of 334 institutions of higher education, later found centralization affected by turbulence but not by decline.
  • Diversity. Our judgment: fits single and related, strain unrelated, since unrelated businesses have little to exchange (Zenger and Hesterly 1997; Halal 1994).
  • Strategy. Our judgment: strain defender, partial analyzer and prospector. Burton and Obel name low centralization a misfit for a defender, and an internal market spreads decisions across trading units; no work read, Halal (1994) and Zenger and Hesterly (1997) among them, ties the form to the other two.
  • Technology. Our judgment: fits routine, partial mixed, strain nonroutine, on Ouchi's (1980) conceptual argument that markets are efficient when performance ambiguity is low; reading Perrow's (1967) nonroutine work as high ambiguity is the inference. Hickson, Pugh, and Pheysey (1969), a multi-organization comparative survey, and Mohr (1971), a quantitative field study, studied technology and structure, not this form, which limits every technology cell, as Pennings (1975), a quantitative field test of the structural-contingency model, limits the varying environment cells. Donaldson (2001) attributes Mohr's and Pennings's null fit and performance results to methodological limitations.
  • Interdependence. Theory on Thompson (1967): fits sequential, strain reciprocal. The earlier of two sequential divisions sells its output to the later; continuous mutual adjustment cannot be priced deal by deal. Pooled fits is our judgment on Halal (1994): units drawing on a shared pool can be charged for it.
  • Knowledge intensity, global integration, and local responsiveness. Our judgment: partial throughout. Zenger and Hesterly's (1997) small units and Jaquette, Kramer, and Curs's (2018) university academic units sit at very different training levels; neither work, nor any other read, ties the form to training levels or to pressures across countries.

What it does well

It puts decisions where the knowledge is. Trading units act on local signals (Halal 1994); decision rights, organizational economists argue, belong with specific knowledge, with measures and rewards checking the costs of delegating (Jensen and Meckling 1992). Small units carry the high-powered incentives of small size (Zenger and Hesterly 1997, a conceptual article). In our reading, prices show which units lose money.

Inside companies these strengths are argued, not shown. Zenger (2015), a commentary on one company, reads Valve's design as composed internal markets but cannot tell whether it causes the firm's high revenue per employee. Foss and Dobrajska (2015), a conceptual argument on the same case, hold that Valve does not challenge fundamental organization design theory and that managerial authority may be growing in importance.

What it costs

The market has to be built and run: the center writes its rules and builds the exchanges' infrastructure (Halal 1994), and, in our reading, dealings once settled by instruction must be priced and recorded.

The center must give up stepping in. Foss (2003), one case study, argues that managers cannot easily commit, credibly, not to intervene in delegated decisions.

Drucker (1974) judged his own version a poor fit on all his design specifications. Williamson (1975, 1985), drawing on Buttrick, lists inside contracting's defects, a bilateral monopoly position among them.

How it fails

How the internal market organization fails, and the coordination failures behind it

The entry's failure modes at the left, each tied to the Coordination Failures patterns it names at the right; a pattern links its entry there.

Jurisdictional gap or overlapModel-world divergenceGoal displacement and metric gamingLocal optimization against the global constraintCoordination overhead overrun
Jurisdictional gap or overlapModel-world divergenceGoal displacement and metric gamingLocal optimization against the global constraintCoordination overhead overrun

How many ties the failure has. Highest: The center cannot keep its hands offThe market exists in name onlyUnits chase their own numbersPricing every exchange costs more than it savesJurisdictional gap or overlapModel-world divergenceGoal displacement and metric gamingLocal optimization against the global constraintCoordination overhead overrun

Select a failure to read its place in the network.The center cannot keep its hands off. Degree 1The market exists in name only. Degree 1Units chase their own numbers. Degree 2Pricing every exchange costs more than it saves. Degree 1Jurisdictional gap or overlap. Degree 1Model-world divergence. Degree 1Goal displacement and metric gaming. Degree 1Local optimization against the global constraint. Degree 1Coordination overhead overrun. Degree 1
FailureDegree
The center cannot keep its hands off1
The market exists in name only1
Units chase their own numbers2
Pricing every exchange costs more than it saves1
Jurisdictional gap or overlap1
Model-world divergence1
Goal displacement and metric gaming1
Local optimization against the global constraint1
Coordination overhead overrun1

Four failure modes name five patterns, and only units chasing their own numbers names two: goal displacement and metric gaming, and local optimization against the global constraint.

Source: Foss 2003, one case study; Lee 2024, one ethnographic case study; Mays and colleagues 2000, a review of the evaluations of one national internal-market reform; Ouchi 1980, a conceptual article; Thompson 1967.

The center cannot keep its hands off. Delegated rights are taken back case by case, so decisions are owned twice (our reading: jurisdictional gap or overlap). Foss (2003), one case study, finds that at Oticon frequent meddling caused a severe loss of motivation and arguably the move to a more structured organization. Lee (2024), one ethnographic case study, gives another cause: the practices holding decentralized authority in place are cognitively, emotionally, and temporally demanding, so hard to sustain.

The market exists in name only. Prices and contracts are installed, but the incentives are too weak and the constraints too strong to produce the effects expected (our reading: model and world divergence). Mays, Mulligan, and Goodwin (2000), a review of the evaluations of one national reform, found little measurable change tied unequivocally to the NHS quasi-market's mechanisms.

Units chase their own numbers. Where output is hard to measure, a unit can earn its price while the whole loses (our reading: goal displacement and metric gaming, and local optimization against the global constraint). The premise is Ouchi's (1980) argument that markets fail under high performance ambiguity; no study of the form shows it.

Pricing every exchange costs more than it saves. Where units must adjust to one another continuously, or in a small firm with little to break up, internal contracting adds overhead (our reading: coordination overhead overrun). No study of the form measures it; it rests on the interdependence cell's reading of Thompson (1967) and the size cell's judgment.

The profile triggers two misfit rules: authority spread wide in an analyzer and in a defender. The analyzer rule is undisputed, so it sinks the form in the explorer: Burton and Obel (2004) call low centralization a misfit for the non-innovating analyzer and recommend medium for the innovating one; the strategy cell, merging the two, reads partial. The defender rule is contested, so it flags and does not sink: Burton and Obel's proposition gives the strain cell, while Mintzberg (1980), a synthesis of earlier research offering propositions without a new test, places the professional bureaucracy, with extensive decentralization, in complex but stable environments, so wide authority is not ruled out where the domain is stable.

The rules are propositions, untested singly, with three limits: an earlier version was tested only as a set, finding lower return on assets with misfits (Burton, Lauridsen, and Obel 2002, a quantitative study of 224 Danish small and medium-sized firms); the interaction form of fit went unsupported (Drazin and Van de Ven 1985, a quantitative study of 629 work units in two states' employment security agencies); and firms in perfect institutional fit lost slightly by striving for contingency fit (Volberda and colleagues 2012, a survey of 3,259 respondents in 1,904 companies).

What the research found

The search of work since 2010 found no multi-firm quantitative study of internal markets inside companies.

Kuntz and Vera (2007), a quantitative study of hospitals, read in its abstract, found that modularization as a whole did not improve performance, while internal market mechanisms, like process orientation, had positive efficiency effects; its sample unstated, probably shared with another of their studies.

The university tests disagree. Jaquette, Kramer, and Curs (2018), a quasi-experimental comparison of four universities with synthetic controls, found higher tuition revenue after adoption of responsibility center management at three and no change at the fourth; they measured institution-level revenue only, not the units' behavior. The most recent, Kelchen (2026), a national panel of 154 universities, found no evidence that adoption changed master's programs, closures, or degrees, a limit, he reads, on unit leaders' incentives and somewhat counter, he notes, to the earlier finding; incentive strength could not be coded at most universities, and comparison universities also used some unit incentives.

Takeda and Boyns (2014), one company traced through published sources, largely self-authored, tie amoeba management to Japanese influences and Inamori's philosophy; Urban and Czerska (2016), three case studies, measured no outcomes; and Adler, Hiromoto, and Suzuki (2019), a conceptual review, argue that earlier research wrongly conflated it with organizational ambidexterity.

Two dissents. Ghoshal (2005), recorded against organizational economics, the source of most of this theory, argued that management research's ideologically inspired amoral theories, propagated by business schools, have freed students from moral responsibility. Ghoshal and Moran (1996), an argument, not a test, hold against transaction cost economics, behind the inside-contracting account, that organizations are not mere substitutes for failed markets but govern some activities by a logic of their own.

The evidence ledger holds 13 studies filed under this form.

In practice: one published case

The UK National Health Service, as the source names it, is one case study, of the public-sector variant and not of a company. The source is Mays, Mulligan, and Goodwin (2000), a review of the research on one public system's reform.

In 1991 and 1992 the NHS was turned into a quasi-market. General practices could volunteer to become fundholders that purchased elective care for their patients. Health authorities became purchasers of emergency, unplanned, and elective services. Providers of hospital and community health services were converted into NHS trusts, separate from their local health authorities.

The review gathered the published and unpublished studies of the reform from 1991 to late 1998. It assessed each of the three elements, fundholding, health authority purchasing, and the trusts, for its effects on efficiency, equity, quality, accountability, and choice and responsiveness. It found relatively little measurable change that could be tied unequivocally to the core quasi-market mechanisms.

Mays, Mulligan, and Goodwin conclude that the incentives were generally too weak and the constraints too strong to produce the consequences that either the supporters or the critics of the quasi-market had predicted. They add, though, that the reforms changed irrevocably the way in which the NHS operates.

Source: Mays and colleagues 2000. The British quasi-market in health care: a balance sheet of the evidence, Journal of Health Services Research and Policy 5(1), 49 to 58; a review of the evaluations of one national internal-market reform.

Variants and near relatives

The internal market economy is Ackoff's (1994) scheme and the form's core, parts dealing like firms. His multidimensional organization (Ackoff 1977, text not read; restated 1994) has input (functional) units, output units that must use them as sources of supply, and market units that act as profit centers. Ackoff sets it against the matrix, whose employees have two bosses; it is neither transnational's multidimensional and reconfigurable organization nor the Front-back organization, whose fronts and backs are joined by designed linking processes.

Amoeba management is Kyocera's system: small, customer-focused units that operate independently (Adler and Hiromoto 2012) and, on Kyocera's and Inamori's own practitioner accounts, keep profit and loss accounts and trade with other units.

The internal hybrid is Foss's (2003) term for a hierarchy infused with market control; his case, Oticon's spaghetti organization, is taught under the Self-managing organization.

The public-sector internal market (quasi-market) splits a public service into purchasing and providing units that contract inside one system, as in the case; New Public Management, the doctrine behind quasi-markets, is out of scope as a doctrine, not a form.

Responsibility center management devolves a university's budget to academic units under formulas that reward raising revenue and cutting costs, so resources follow formulas, not the center's case-by-case decisions.

Simulated decentralization is Drucker's (1974) fourth design principle: units that are not businesses set up as if they were, trading at internally set transfer prices.

Intra-enterprise subcontracting partnerships were Hungary's 1980s economic work partnerships (VGMKs): employees formed separate undertakings doing contract work for their own enterprise (Héthy 1986, a comparative review), which Stark (1986) reads as internal market transactions. Yugoslavia's basic organizations of associated labor, under the Cooperative organization, are the self-managed counterpart: law split enterprises into bargaining units.

Inside contracting had the firm supply floor space, machinery, materials, and working capital and sell the product, while inside contractors hired and supervised their own crews for a piece rate (Buttrick 1952): the units were the contractors' crews, not units the firm staffed. Williamson (1975) sets it between putting-out and the authority relation; unlike putting-out, production stayed inside the firm's walls.

The Network, modular, and virtual organization, the nearest neighbor, moves activities out to other firms under contract. Ownership alone does not separate them: its internal network (Snow, Miles, and Coleman 1992, ungraded here) is business units in one firm owning most or all of the assets. This form's move is the price among owned units. The Self-managing organization removes the manager-subordinate authority relationship from the formal structure; here a center keeps authority over the market's rules. Haier's rendanheyi, taught there, joins the two in our reading: its market-facing microenterprises hire and fire internal suppliers or contract outside. The Cellular organization's cells share ownership, know-how, and infrastructure and split as they grow, and the corporate center's shared services center is one internal supplier of support services; here the units themselves trade at prices, and often outside.

The M-form's general office decides its divisions' capital and dealings; these units settle them by price. In its recombinant variant (Galunic and Eisenhardt 1996, an inductive field study of ten divisions in one corporation), divisions compete in an internal market for charters; in our reading, they do not trade at prices. Galbraith's (2002) reconfigurable organization, under Adhocracy (innovative organization), coordinates partly by internal prices, markets, and marketlike devices, this form's device.

The internal market beside its nearest neighbor, the network

Select a number to fill what it marks in both drawings; the list under them gives the dimensions on which the two profiles differ.

Units under one owner buy from and sell to one another at prices inside the firm, so the center runs a market among its own units; it neither directs their dealings nor contracts the work out.

Internal market organization

CenterUnits tradingas firmsCenterInternalservice unitSmallbusiness unitSmallbusiness unitOutside buyeror sellerBy functionBy product or purposeO11123
CenterUnits trading as firmsCenterServiceBusinessBusinessOutsideBy functionBy product or purposeO11123

Reports toContract or priced tradeOStandardization of outputsThe firm; partners stand outside it

Network, modular, and virtual organization

The firmPartner firmsHub or brokerfirmActivity itdoes bestDesign firmManufacturerDistributorSplit by value-chain stepOM11123
The firmPartner firmsBrokerCoreDesignMakerDistributeSplit by value-chain stepOM11123

Contract or priced tradeAdjust to each other directlyMMutual adjustmentOStandardization of outputsThe firm; partners stand outside it

  1. The internal market's units trade at prices inside one firm, under common ownership; the network's design, making, and distribution are done by other firms beyond its edge, held by contract.
  2. The center heads the internal market's units, sets the market's rules, and leaves most decisions to them; the network's hub or broker heads no partner and brings them together by contract.
  3. The internal market's one prime mechanism is its units' priced trades, which we read as standardized outputs; the network's partners also adjust to one another directly.

Differs on 5 of 11 dimensions

  • Basis of grouping Function or process and product or purpose; Network, modular, and virtual organization: Function or process
  • Specialization Medium; Network, modular, and virtual organization: High
  • Decision rights and the locus of authority Limited vertical decentralization; Network, modular, and virtual organization: Limited vertical decentralization to selective vertical and horizontal decentralization
  • Prime coordinating mechanism Standardization of outputs; Network, modular, and virtual organization: Mutual adjustment and standardization of outputs
  • Boundary permeability Selective; Network, modular, and virtual organization: Permeable

Both forms coordinate by exchange: prices and contracts specify what each unit or partner delivers. The internal market keeps its trading units inside one firm under a center that sets the rules, and the network has other firms do the work.

Source: Halal 1994; Adler and Hiromoto 2012; Miles and Snow 1986; Powell 1990.

Moving into or out of it

Urban and Czerska (2016), three case studies, found companies introducing amoeba management along paths matched to their management styles and cultures.

Oticon's internal hybrid gave way about a decade later to a more traditional matrix (Foss 2003, one case study). At Winchester, Buttrick (1952), a historical case study of one firm, found the gun shop's contractors fell from 18 in 1904 to none by 1914, replaced by foremen; costs rose, but the superintendent judged company control better.

No study read measures the transition cost. Hannan and Freeman (1984) argue that attempts at reorganization raise death rates and set the liability-of-newness clock back toward zero; Amburgey, Kelly, and Barnett (1993), a quantitative study of organizational change and failure rates, report effects varying by type of change and over time, and Brüderl and Schüssler (1990), a quantitative study of business mortality in West Germany, found risk peaking one to fifteen years after founding, not at it. Donaldson (1995) argues that population ecology understates managers' capacity to adapt structure.

Change & Transformation explains running a reorganization.

The thinking behind it

William Halal (1994): internal markets, with the center building the market's infrastructure.

Russell Ackoff (1994): the internal market economy and the multidimensional organization, argued from practice, not tested.

Peter Drucker (1974): simulated decentralization, non-business units run as businesses at transfer prices.

Todd Zenger, with William Hesterly (1997): molecular units, explaining the form by the incentives of small size.

Nicolai Foss (2003): the credible-commitment problem, explaining why internal hybrids are hard to sustain.

Kazuo Inamori (2012): amoeba management, a founder's account of small self-accounting profit centers.

John Buttrick (1952): the inside contract system in nineteenth-century plants.

William Ouchi (1980): markets, bureaucracies, and clans, predicting that prices control well only at low performance ambiguity.

James Thompson (1967): pooled, sequential, and reciprocal interdependence, the basis for which exchanges prices can carry.

Also called

Internal markets, as Halal (1994) uses the term; internal market economy (Ackoff 1994); internal hybrid (Foss 2003); quasi-market, the public-sector term (Mays, Mulligan, and Goodwin 2000); simulated decentralization (Drucker 1974); composed internal markets (Zenger 2015).

Works cited

On this page, “read” means read by this series: where a line says a work, or part of one, was not read, the series did not read it.

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